Friday 27th February 2026
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Alcoholism at Oxford University: A Perspective

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I can still remember the first time I got drunk. I was around 13 years old. A friend had stolen some of his dad’s whisky, and we got through half a bottle together. The experience wasn’t particularly extraordinary, apart from one thing: even then I was astonished, terrified, by just how much I enjoyed being drunk. The rush, the feeling of the alcohol coursing through my veins, the way it made my worries and anxieties dissipate for a few blissful hours. I subconsciously realised something that, years later, I would spend countless hours grappling with; whatever joys I could experience sober, they would be even better with a bottle in hand.

The next few years went by relatively normally. The lack of independence borne from still living at home meant my alcohol use was kept in check. All that happened was that every week or two when me and my friends were out drinking, I’d always end up getting absolutely shitfaced –  far more than anyone else.

Then I arrived at Oxford University. It only took a few weeks for my alcohol use to absolutely soar. I was 18 at this point, and without my parents breathing down my back, I was free to drink as much as I pleased. In the Michaelmas and Hilary just gone, I drank an average of around 100 to 150 units a week. I drank virtually every day – and I mean drank, enough that almost every night ended with me stumbling up the stairs to my accommodation and collapsing in bed, drunk out of my mind. I spent well over a thousand pounds on alcohol, leaving less than half of my money for other expenses.

There are probably very few environments worse for would-be alcoholics than Oxford University. The atmosphere of constant stress, the omnipresent ‘work hard, play hard’ undertone, the fact that almost every society runs countless boozy events, combined with virtually every college having a cheap and accessible bar, meant that I stood little chance. It’s true that, regardless of where I went, alcohol problems would have probably arisen. Of the three factors often leading to alcoholism – a family history of alcohol abuse, beginning drinking at a young age, and past mental health problems – I tick every one.

But Oxford undoubtedly exacerbated my issues. It doesn’t have much of a drug culture (in my experience, at least), but it has one hell of a drinking culture. Very few people seemed to notice how out of hand my drinking was getting. In a society where getting drunk regularly is a common occurrence, it’s hard to differentiate between someone who likes to drink and someone who needs to drink. When I finally began the long and painful process of seeking sobriety, the lack of support provided by the university was shocking. My addiction advisor suggested I  seek out alcoholic support groups within the University. As far as I can tell, no such group presently exists.

The solution isn’t, however, some sort of puritanical clamp down on drinking among students. The vast majority of you reading this article will be perfectly capable of drinking healthily and in moderation – and I am deeply envious of you. College bars and drinking events provide most with a hugely enjoyable social space. Some alcohol free alternatives would be nice, but that’s all. Instead, the University needs to do more to assist those students who are struggling; and we all need to be more ready to look out for the warning signs of alcohol dependency. There’s nothing wrong with wanting to drink; but when we start noticing that ourselves, or others, need to drink, alarm bells should be raised.

The writing of this article marks the two month anniversary of my sobriety. These past few weeks have been tough, much tougher than I could have ever expected. But they’ve also been incredibly rewarding. Getting over an addiction requires a complete life reset; it requires reconnecting with the friends and passions that you lost to booze. The constant urge to drink still hasn’t left me, if it ever will. Knowing that you can’t under any circumstances do the thing you want to do more than anything else is torture. But finally, for the first time in many months, I’m able to appreciate the beauty of our world, the simple joys of friendship, without the distorting lens of the bottle – and that makes it all worth it.

But if there’s one piece of advice I want anyone who relates to this article to take to heart, it’s this: don’t go cold turkey. Alcohol is one of the few drugs whose withdrawal can be fatal. For me, it was so bad that I was rushed to the John Radcliffe emergency unit, suffering from delirium tremens – a condition arising from alcohol withdrawal with symptoms like tremors, delirium, hallucinations, and even seizures which could potentially lead to death. Talk to your doctor, or any other NHS resources, so you can withdraw with the help of medications to protect you.

Drinking in moderation can be great fun, but if you notice yourself or anyone else unable to put down the bottle, becoming dependent on alcohol to get through the day, it’s time to take a break. And if that’s too hard, speak to a pastoral adviser or counsellor. Alcohol nearly ruined my life. For many years to come, I think, I’ll still be grappling with its consequences. I don’t want it to ruin yours.

‘Personal imprint’: an interview with the founder of Tree Artisan Café

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During exams, my friends and I formed a study group. While it took us three years to realise that studying might be important even for a History degree, the dread for our upcoming exams eventually sunk in. Amidst the panicked conversations about misogynistic late-Roman chroniclers (looking at you, Procopius) were the study breaks at some point in the day to visit a café. A European-style working day with a long lunch break was essential to feeling like a real humanities student, and spending on coffee or cake proved to be an excellent means of coping with exam stress.

Now that exams are long gone, I have found time to consider what I could write about that would allow me to reflect on my experience of Oxford as a city, and I was torn between pubs and cafés. However, having been teetotal for the first year of my degree, in lockdown for the second and a finalist for my third, my pubbing credentials are well below par. Being a sugar-addict, however, my café CV is brimming with relevant experience, and I felt the need to pay some kind of tribute to the coffee shop scene here.

Bored witless by the Law Library, I applied for a loyalty card at the adjacent coffee shop, Missing Bean, and I also occasionally resorted to the suspiciously cheap coffee in college, where the exciting catch is that the oat milk is off and the coffee tastes burnt. As Exeter’s Cohen Quad is in Jericho, Tree Artisan, located on Little Clarendon Street, became our most-visited café. To find out what coffee shop life is like in Oxford from the point of view of the owners, I decided to interview Tree Artisan’s founder and owner, Graziella Ascensao.

Tree Artisan Café now feels like a fixture of the Oxford coffee scene, but it faced challenges from the very start. Graziella moved to Oxford from Brazil at 18, and later worked in the service sector, as both a barista and a waitress, and began to save up until she could afford to open her own café. It seemed as if fate had conspired against her when the COVID-19 pandemic hit as soon as she had secured the lease for the premises.

However, consistent with the rest of her attitude connected to her work, Graziella approached the challenge with a positive mindset and turned it into an opportunity. ‘At that time, I saw it was the time to open,’ she says. ‘When people were in front of their computer all day, they wanted to pick up a coffee and go to the park’. While, due to COVID-19 restrictions, she found it harder to cultivate the atmosphere she wanted within the physical space, she managed to generate a small community of regular customers who appreciated the friendliness and good coffee on offer. ‘I found positivity in that. I am always trying to be a warm person’.

This attitude is Graziella’s main take on the difference between the culture of chain cafés and that of independent ones. She takes pride in buying everything from independent suppliers, from bread to coffee beans, not wanting to compromise the culture of a small local enterprise. ‘There is more love, more passion. With chains, whoever you are, you are a number. The staff are a number, the customers are a number, everybody is a number. It is completely different to when you have a focus on the people’.

This focus is arguably what makes Tree Artisan Café unique. After exams, my friend and I worked there one afternoon, while the café was quiet. As we worked, we noticed that the staff recognised and talked to almost every customer who walked through the door. For a generation that appreciates the personal experience afforded by food vendors, this kind of human interaction sets Tree Artisan Café apart from chain cafés, where the staff often seem stressed and keen to hurry along to the next customer. The feeling that you’re part of a community is a huge appeal, and one that makes sitting in Tree Artisan much more appealing than, for example, sitting in Café Nero.

While the independent café market in Oxford is crowded and competitive, Graziella does not feel this is a hostile environment, and rather sees a market where independent outlets do not have to try and beat each other down to stay in business. ‘Honestly, I respect all of them, because I believe in this world there is space for all of them. Tree Artisan has my biometric, it is different from all the others. It is my personal imprint on them. It is like my baby. I am not comparing to others; I love it because it is mine’.

This ‘personal imprint’ is a huge part of independent coffee outlets in Oxford, and Graziella’s experiences definitely shape how Tree Artisan operates. Having been vegan for three years, she ensures there are multiple dairy-free, gluten-free and vegan options on the menu. As a lifelong member of the allergy club myself, it is welcome to have actual choices, especially when they’re genuinely delicious and likely to even be bought by someone who isn’t allergic to the other options. The menu is also rotated regularly, according to which options prove most popular, which allows Tree Artisan to be customer-driven, rather than constantly supplying the same, bulk-bought generic options available at a chain.

Graziella’s enthusiasm talking about running her own café is infectious. ‘It is hard work,’ she tells me at the end of our interview. ‘I’m here at 4:30 in the morning every day, and I have gratitude to be here. It is my passion, I am happy to be here’. It is this highly personal desire to create a positive experience for every customer that sets Oxford’s independent outlets apart from their corporate competition, and Tree Artisan Café is the perfect example of this alternative, people-focused approach to growing as a café in Oxford.

Image credit: Emily Perkins.

What are Conservative Party Members thinking?

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Friday 2nd September is creeping ever closer and with a government that seems to be set on inaction until then in the midst of the biggest cost of living crisis in decades, for millions it can’t come soon enough.  Before then though, 0.3% of the population will decide who the next Prime Minister is and all signs now seem to suggest that that person will be Liz Truss. 

Personally, I see it as a tragedy on several levels but, above all, I cannot cease to be totally baffled by the polls that show Truss will win by such a landslide.  Not only is it now with seeming daily regularity that a new independent report, financial expert, or ‘Tory grandee’ points out her economic plans are both unfundable and inadequate.  More than anything, the Conservative Party Members seem set to condemn themselves to losing the next election by electing a leader and resulting cabinet that is beyond impalpable for the general population.

I suppose the first step in trying to get inside the mind of Tory members is understanding who they really are, something that is notoriously difficult and explains why opinion polls in leadership contests vary so much in comparison with those of general elections.  Although the information is not officially published, Tim Bale, professor of politics at Queen Mary University, concluded nearly ten years of study on this and told the FT last month that “There hasn’t been much change in the demographics of the Tory grassroots since we began our research on party members back in 2013.”  The research found that, rather unsurprisingly, that members are disproportionately older men.  63% were male (compared to roughly half of the UK population), their median age is 57 (the national average is 40), and 80% fall in the so-called ABC1 category of the most highly-paid demographic group (this makes up 53% of the country).   They also match the classic stereotype of being white and right-leaning on issues, with 76% voting for Brexit and 95% identifying as White British in a country where that makes up just 83% of the population.  Now, that is a lot of numbers, but the fact that those voting on our next leader come from such a small and narrow segment of society is not only plainly a crazy and scarcely believable part of our democratic system but goes some way to explaining how and why they have leaned so heavily on Truss over Sunak. They have rewarded her ludicrous attempts to evoke Thatcherite policies which don’t fit the current economic climate and, much like the Foreign Secretary’s desperate efforts to emulate Thatcher’s personality and dress sense, are outdated.

Despite this, in fact for this very reason, one would think that the constant comments from some of the Tory party’s oldest, most successful, and most well-respected names, about just how baseless much of Truss’ economic policies are, would have swayed more of the base towards Sunak.  Kenneth Clark has described her approach as “nonsense and simplistic” and related it to techniques that might be used by a Venezuelan government.  Former leaders Michael Howard and William Hague, as well as well-respected current MPs such as Dominic Raab, Jeremy Hunt, and Michael Gove, have all taken to the airwaves and newspapers in the past few days to speak against the idea that tax cuts can resolve the crisis.  Even Lord Lamont, Treasurer in the Thatcher government remembered so fondly by much of the conservative party base, has publicly backed Sunak over the holes in Truss’ plans. It isn’t only individuals who think that her plans are misguided either: the IFS joined countless other economists last week in pointing out that her current ideas are simply unfundable unless they are accompanied by spending cuts.

What makes all of this even more crazy and difficult for me to get my head around is that the members seem blissfully unaware of just how unelectable Truss is for the electorate as a whole.  With a general election looming in 2024 you would think that there would be an appetite for a relatively inoffensive leader who appeals to as broad a base as possible.  Whereas Sunak has at least shown his ability to appeal to a large spectrum in the past, earning himself the nickname ‘Dishy Rishi’ during his Eat Out to Help Out glory days, Truss has never shied away from bulldozing ahead with unpopular policies and divisive comments.  Whether that is upsetting Scots by saying that the best way to deal with their democratically elected leader is “to ignore her” or regular workers by telling them to put in some more “graft”, Truss trails Keir Starmer and rival Sunak in every poll of the general population.  And if recent leaks of her planned cabinet are to be believed, placing Jacob Rees-Mogg as Levelling-up Secretary, she hardly appears to be planning a change of course on this front.

So – why?  What is it that appeals?  It might well be a case of Johnson continuity – indeed in surveys, many have said that they feel Sunak betrayed their leader by resigning and becoming one of the major catalysts for the Prime Minister’s downfall.  In reality though, I think it is more of a case of the members being genuinely detached from the real world themselves.  For whatever reason they don’t seem able to see their impending decision risks disaster for millions of people across the country by worsening current financial pressures as well as putting them in a catastrophic position ahead of the next general election. Two years is a long time in politics, but right now I struggle to see why on earth the turkeys are voting for Christmas.  

Image: CC 2.0 – UK Government via Flickr.  

Vessel : A Review

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CW : mention of disordered eating, fat phobia, body dysmorphia

Have you ever wept in a toilet stall—maybe during a particularly rough school day, maybe during a night out that went wrong—thinking that you were completely insulated from the world outside, only to realise that there’s a giant gap in the door –  so whoever is walking past can definitely see you, all puffy-faced? Grace Olusola’s Vessel spoke directly to my teenage self and my current self alike, as I found myself in that exact situation after the show: watching the play felt like having my private, internal feelings about my body and food externalised and projected onto the stage at the Old Fire Station this Trinity. I felt seen. 

Last summer I vented my frustrations at feeling like the only fat person at Oxford on Twitter, and my notifications pinged more than normal for a little while. Initially, I worried that a play seeking to address themes of bodies and food in the Oxford community would centre the experiences of people who are afraid of looking like me. While I do not seek to invalidate the experience of people who are insecure and conventionally attractive, there’s a difference between being insecure about having rolls when you slouch and, as the Comedienne comments, “the world decid[ing] whether you’re ugly or not for you”.

Yet Olusola and her team of six other directors have taken the wide-ranging diversity of such relationships with body image into close consideration. Vessel is made up of twelve discrete episodes, each drawing inspiration from student survey responses on questions around bodies and food. The episodes differed significantly in tone, managing to tackle these issues with sensitivity and humour, and reminded me of scrolling through TikTok: we see a spoof of 2000s fatphobic TV shows, titled ‘Formerly Grotesque Fat People Bake On Blind Dates While We Watch’, and a monologue on different kinds of Reese’s peanut butter cups, among others. In ‘Not Like other Girls’ we even see a girl sniffling in the school toilets, not unlike me after the show.

The episodic structure and use of several directors is certainly a strength of the show, reflecting how our relationships with food and our bodies has as much to do with class, race, gender and sexuality as with what we see when we look in the mirror. I particularly enjoyed how the show played around with form and structure to reflect this: in ‘Femi’, Tariro Tinwaro sings of a best friend with an eating disorder “outrunning bodies like mine”, while in ‘The Comedienne’ we see Chloe Ralph hilariously enact the awkwardness of mediocre standup about her friend group and conclude “with friends this fucked up, this may be one of the few situations in life where being the fat one is actually the best status in the group.” 

Olusola cites her experience as a welfare officer at St. Catherine’s College, as well as her own body image struggles, as a catalyst for Vessel: this certainly shows throughout the production, albeit not in a way that feels patronising, didactic or reductive. At the beginning we hear a voiceover announce the show’s trigger warnings, and that if at any point an audience member needs to leave and take a break, they are welcome to do so. Likewise, at the end the crew offered pens and index cards to audience members as a chance to reflect on what they had just seen.

While I did sometimes find myself wishing for more cohesion between the writing of the episodes, I enjoyed the way that each episode was announced by the pinning of a poster or a graphic with its title to a board at the back of the stage, creating a sense of collaginess and accumulation. This imagery of food wrappers and containers was neatly alluded to in ‘Motherhood’, an episode where a woman tidying the house for a date discovers her daughter’s binge-eating stash concealed between stage blocks. During the interval, a friend remarked that the episodic nature reminded her of opening a door at a house party and accidentally walking in on a conversation between strangers that you were not meant to overhear, as alluded to perfectly in a scene where we watch the awkward reconnecting between old friends gradually tip over into a painful conservation about responsibility when one is  mentally ill. Olusola’s skilful writing shines through in lines like “I had a brain that betrayed me–you were the collateral”, and “sorry, force of habit, when you’re at death’s door [so often] you start leaving a key under the doormat.”

The presence of fat actors and explicitly working-class characters, albeit only a handful, on a student stage was particularly refreshing to see, although I did find myself wishing for more than a few of the twelve episodes in a show about bodies to centre their experiences.

Overall, Vessel’s careful balancing of sensitivity and humour in its treatment of the subject matter of body image and food made it an important and worthwhile watch; I can only hope that we see more stories and actors with these experiences on the Oxford student stage in the future. 

Where do we go from here?  Reflections on a day of chaos in Downing Street

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Where do we go from here?  Reflections on a day of unprecedented chaos in Downing Street…

The past few years in British politics have repeatedly defied belief but Thursday 7th July will go down in history as the most chaotic, bizarre, and extraordinary day that our country has seen in decades.  This morning, it was barely possible to make a cup of tea before returning to the television to learn of another ministerial resignation or letter from newly appointed cabinet ministers calling for the Prime Minister to go. Chris Mason taking the phone call from Downing Street to confirm Boris Johnson’s resignation live on BBC Radio 4’s Today programme perhaps perfectly summed up the incredulous nature of the morning’s proceedings. The big question now though is what on earth happens next?  Where do the Conservative party and the country go from here?  As it stands, the PM insists that he will stay on until a new leader is announced, but is that really feasible?  Who is best positioned to succeed him? One thing is certain, the turmoil is far from over…

Who Next?  The Runners and the Riders

The main reason why Johnson has survived in post for so long in spite of countless scandals that would’ve buried leaders of the past has been the lack of an apparent successor. Now the Conservative party is facing a leadership election with contenders from across the political spectrum, as it tries to decide its future.

Liz Truss

Bookies odds – 7/1

Long-time favourite of old-time party members but counting many enemies among fellow MPs, the outspoken Truss has never been afraid to make her leadership ambitions clear. Much like Johnson, she has been happy to bend her political beliefs to fit with her rise to power after backing remain in 2016 only to become one of the biggest supporters for a hard Brexit in recent years. Brash and brazen with political stances branded by many as ‘Thatcherism on steroids’, she certainly wouldn’t offer the dramatic change in tone and direction needed if her party is to stand any chance of rescuing themselves at any approaching election.  She may also struggle in early stages of the leadership race, with several MPs declaring privately that they wouldn’t back her.

Nadim Zahawi

Bookies odds – 8/1

Zahawi was centre stage in the political chaos of the last 48 hours after being appointed Chancellor of the Exchequer on Tuesday night, doing the media rounds defending the Prime Minister on Wednesday morning, and then calling for his resignation on Thursday.  His political stock rose substantially as vaccines minister during the pandemic and, popular amongst his colleagues, he now appears to be one of the favourites to succeed Johnson.  The only thing standing against him may turn out to be his relative inexperience in government. 

Rishi Sunak

Bookies odds – 4/1

There are few men in history who have had such a dramatic rise to fame and fall from grace as Rishi Sunak. An unknown among the public when appointed as Chancellor he attracted fans throughout the pandemic with generous furlough and ‘Eat Out to Help Out’ schemes before becoming embroiled in the Partygate scandal and brought down by questions over his wife’s non-dom tax status.  There’s a chance that his shock resignation on Tuesday night might just have saved his chances and he is sure to be a front runner if he can convince MPs of his credentials.  Equally, his resignation letter suggested that his could be ‘his last ministerial job’ and a return to pre-political life could certainly prove to be an attractive proposition for the former banker.

Sajid Javid

Bookies odds – 7/1

Having already failed twice in leadership elections could it be third time lucky for the man who initiated the final chapter of Johnson’s prime ministerial career?  Although his dramatic move and speech after PMQ’s will appeal to some, few can really doubt his own personal motivations for moving against the PM when he did and that kind of ‘snakery’ as Number 10 likes to call it has been enough to see others named Michal Gove get the sack.  Javid would offer something different in terms of a political direction and would appeal as a more stable set of hands but his flip-flopping hasn’t won him many fans amongst MPs and party members.

Penny Mourdant 

Bookies odds – 5/1

Who? I hear you ask.  The bookmakers’ favourite that’s who!  Mourdant finds herself in the bizzare position where not having any experience working in recent cabinets will be seen as one of her biggest strengths.  If you are in search of a metaphor for the dire state of the Tory party then this is it.  Being a long-time Brexit backer makes her palpable to the right of the party and the ERG but her membership of the liberal Conservative ‘One Nation’ caucus means that she has a fairly wide reach.  She has perhaps the fewest enemies of any of the obvious contenders.  Then again that is inevitable when you consider that she has never held a post of significance within government.

Tom Tugenhadt

Bookies odds – 14/1

‘The rebels’ choice’, Tugenhadt is one of the few likely runners who has spoken out against Johnson from the start.  The Chair of the Foreign Affairs Select Committee slammed him for his performance as Foreign Secretary and has remained critical ever since.  His rhetoric always focuses on a renewal of traditional conservative values, the meaningful substance of that rhetoric unsurprisingly remains in the dark.

Jeremy Hunt

Bookies odds – 11/1

Hunt will undoubtedly frame himself as the man who stood up to ‘Johnson the bully’ and never served in his cabinet.  In reality, insiders suggest that his close relationship with Theresa May meant that he was never invited to – a quite extraordinary thing when you consider the amount of ministers Johnson went through.  Hardly a superstar as health secretary Hunt would represent a return to the more traditional style of government of Theresa May and although that be unexciting to some MPs, large swathes of party members could be convinced by a reassuring return to relative normality.

Ben Wallace

Bookies odds – 5/1

The defence secretary never resigned from the cabinet but did just about manage to squeeze in a letter calling for Johnson to go before the final decision was announced.  The former soldier is broadly seen as reliable and undramatic, both potentially very attractive characteristics at the moment.  He has won international acclaim for his dealing with the Ukraine crisis and the general public would be sure to back him on that but he is notable for his lack of experience in all other areas of government.  Despite his popularity, he has also previously stated his desire to take on the role of UN Secretary-General in the future and that may yet prove to be his next step.

So, in conclusion, the race remains very much open.  Dozens are sure to declare their leadership bids over the coming days and countless campaign websites will no doubt be launched within hours but the stark reality is that none of the options are pretty for the Conservatives.  The party is in a mess, politics is in a mess.  Opposition parties insist that Johnson cannot remain PM whilst the process continues and any caretaker would get the chance to audition their potential on the biggest stage.  It still remains to be seen how long the elected leader will stay in post.  Can any of those listed above really stake a claim to Johnson’s record-breaking mandate from 2019?  A general election may very well be on the cards and, if that is the case, then the calculations change all over again for the MPs with the fate of the nation in their hands…

Your Thoughts

We asked you to sum up your thoughts about our departing Prime Minister’s time in office and departure itself – it’s safe to safe that the responses were mixed and I am happy to report that you didn’t hold back!

Charlie Aslet on the nature of Johnson’s departure:

“Boris Johnson’s resignation had as much dignity as a streaker at a football game. He clung to power until even his unkempt reflection was telling him it was time to pack it in. Some people would have thought it honourable to jump before being pushed. Not Boris. He was beaten up by all his closest friends and colleagues, his trousers hoisted around his ankles and then given a mighty boot up the buttocks before stumbling over the cliff. His only consolation as he tumbled down that rockface was that he managed to give Michael Gove a final slap in the face before he fell, giving him the sack when everyone else was resigning. In a way, I feel a bit sorry for Boris. His resignation was like the assassination of Julius Caesar, except this time it felt like he also managed to stab himself a few times before he died. But, then again, the man seems incapable of telling the truth. Even when he says he’s leaving it’s difficult to believe it will actually happen. When he says he’s actually staying, that’s when I’ll be ready to believe he’s really going for good.”

We then asked you for reflections on Johnson’s premiership:

“Good riddance babes”

“One word – joke”

And your predictions for the future:

Same circus different clown”

“There is an unfortunate possibility that the Tories may be redeemed in the public eye”

“No chance anyone else will have anywhere near the decision-making prowess of Boris – prepare yourselves for an era of catastrophic indecision”

“I’m just sad for the people of Ukraine. Their future is now in doubt more than ever.”

“Someone equally bad or worse will become Prime Minister, there is no winning!”

Image: CC:2.0 (BY-NC-ND 2.0 via FLKR)

Putin’s ‘hockey buddy’ funded Teddy Hall and Saïd Business School

UPDATE: On the 29th June, The UK Government announced a new round of sanctions on several high profile Russian figures including Potanin, with the aim of “hitting Putin’s inner circle”. A government statement read: “Potanin continues to amass wealth as he supports Putin’s regime, acquiring Rosbank, and shares in Tinkoff Bank in the period since Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.”

As the Western world moves to sanction overseas Russian money, Cherwell has found that St Edmund Hall and the Saïd Business School accepted donations from Vladimir Potanin, the oligarch and metals tycoon who is the second richest man in Russia.

Potanin, 61, has a net worth of $27 billion, as estimated by Forbes. In 2020, he was included on the US Treasury’s list of 210 Russian oligarchs, businessmen and politicians under considerations for sanctions, dubbed ‘Putin’s List’. He is widely known for regularly playing ice hockey with Putin. Potanin’s fortune fell by $3 billion on the day that Russia invaded Ukraine. Potanin also served as the Deputy Prime Minister for 7 months between 1996 and 1997. 

In 1999, Potanin founded the Vladimir Potanin Foundation to “implement large-scale humanitarian programs” in the fields of “culture, higher education, social sport and philanthropy development”. The foundation donated £3 million to St Edmund Hall in 2018 to endow a research fund for Earth Sciences, and to jointly establish the Vladimir Potanin Associate Professor and Tutorial Fellow in Earth Sciences with the University of Oxford. The endowment also funded the three-year Vladimir Potanin Tutorial Fellow of Russian Literature and Modern Languages.

The foundation also granted $150,000 to the Saïd Business School in 2017 for a fellowship scheme for the Oxford Social Finance Programme. The school selected 15 Russian charity workers to attend this programme between 2017 and 2019. 

The collapse of the Soviet Union in the 1990s allowed well-connected individuals to profit from the bloc’s transition to a market economy by gaining control over newly privatized state assets. Many of these deals were done privately, without competition. While in office, Potanin proposed the controversial ‘loans for shares’ scheme, which is seen as having furthered the rise of the oligarch class. This scheme effectively caused the consolidation of oligarchs’ control over the Russian economy. ‘Loans for shares’ encouraged wealthy businessmen to loan money to the Yeltsin government in exchange for state-owned shares in companies, many of which extracted and processed Russia’s abundant natural resources. 

Of the programme, he told The Financial Times: “It is the biggest PR tragedy of my career. Of course, the privatisation process has to be transparent. And in our case it was not. My plan was different. I wanted to privatise the companies with banks and qualified people, raise their value, and then sell them.”

Through this scheme, Potanin and his long-term business partner Mikhail Prokhorov acquired a 54% share in Norilsk Nickel (Nornickel). The two businessmen separated their assets in 2007, leaving Potanin with 34.6% of the shares in Norilsk Nickel. The company’s total assets amounted to $20.7 billion in 2020.

On top of being the world’s largest producer of nickel, Norilsk Nickel is one of the world’s largest industrial polluters. In 2020, the company produced 1.9% of total global sulphur dioxide emissions. The company has announced that it intends to reduce suphur dioxides from its plants in the heavily polluted Norilsk region by 90% by 2025 from a 2015 baseline.

Potanin is the only Russian to have signed The Giving Pledge, in which the super-rich pledge to give a majority of their wealth to philanthropic causes. Other signatories include Elon Musk, Mark Zuckerber, and George Lucas. He said his decision was motivated by a belief that “wealth should work for public good”, and as a way to “protect [his] children from the burden of extreme wealth”.

A spokesperson for St Edmund Hall told Cherwell that the gift was accepted “in good faith and at a time when relations with Russia were in a substantially better place. This was a one-off donation and the College does not anticipate any further funding from The Potanin Foundation.

“The College is deeply concerned at the events happening in Ukraine and sincerely hopes that a peaceful outcome will soon be reached,” they added.

The Saïd Business School told Cherwell: “The grant went through the University’s robust approval process and the partnership ended in 2019. The focus of the programme is to improve the social impact and philanthropic work of charities and non-government organisations (NGOs) across the world. As a global business school with students and alumni from across the world, we have been deeply saddened at events happening in the Ukraine and hope a peaceful outcome is soon reached.”

The University of Oxford, Interros, and The Vladimir Potanin Foundation were approached for comment.

Image credit: Kremlin.ru/CC BY 4.0 via Wikimedia Commons

Review: “Black Lives Playlist: Track 2” by Sam Spencer

CW: homophobia, racism

A couple of hours before watching Track 2, I saw a friend’s Instagram story pointing out the comments on a post from the official 10 Downing Street account. The post celebrated the ‘extraordinary contribution of LGBT’ people to Britain, but the comments were full of the kind of vitriolic homophobia that it’s hard to believe still exists in public spaces. It is this kind of hate, as well as the prevalence of outright racism, especially in online spheres, that makes projects like the Black Lives Playlist essential.

Track 2 is, primarily, a monologue about the experience of being Black and gay. It centres around The Speaker’s complex inner turmoil between shame and pride in his sexuality. Whilst we may now fortunately live in a world where homosexuality is far more accepted, this play serves as an important reminder that prejudice still very much exists in our society,and that microagressions can have serious consequences especially where marginalised identities intersect.

In spite of this, Track 2 never feels like a PSA about homophobia or racism. Instead, its character-driven nature is relatable to anyone who has ever felt out of place at a family party; anyone who’s questioned what they really want from life; anyone who’s kissed someone they didn’t really like and regretted it; anyone who’s looked at themself in the mirror mid-breakdown and thought, actually, they look kind of hot. This is the play’s greatest strength: writer Sam Spencer manages to both convey a very specific life experience and connect with universal feelings of anxiety and difference.

The Speaker tells us about a day spent visiting his sister’s boyfriend’s family for the first time – an experience that sparks complex emotions and difficult memories. This central narrative introduces us to the story of his ex-boyfriend, and a rendez-vous with a man from the gay hook-up app Grindr who asks The Speaker some difficult questions. Each of these narrative strands ties together cohesively. Credit must go to Spencer for creating a plot that plays out in such a satisfying manner, and to director James Newbery and assistant-director Grace Olusola for translating it onto the stage so effortlessly.

The different visions of the show’s team work flawlessly together. With one-person shows, especially those performed and directed by different people, it’s easy for conflicting creative visions to come across in the finished product, but no such issue exists here. The use of music adds to the piece brilliantly, and the colourful lighting accentuates the vivid narrative, although the lighting could perhaps have been used to accentuate key moments to a greater extent, and mark transitions between time periods more clearly. Yet, the collaborative nature of the project translates into a show that knows what it wants to be, and executes this vision immaculately. 

The greatest strength of the direction is its simplicity: the story is allowed to speak for itself, which is essential to its success. Spencer’s script never tries to be overly clever or conceptual, instead relying on its innately heartfelt character development and engaging humour. He has a talent for visceral description, making both messy hookups and family dinners crystal clear in audiences’ minds, despite the minimalist staging: The Speaker remains sat alone in a dark space throughout. The script is structured very cleverly, with the hook-up acting as a frame that gains new meaning at the end, and the sister’s boyfriend storyline leading us craftily to an emotional climax. In addition to this, Spencer’s mixing of personal anecdotes with general thoughts on the likes of Stonewall statistics and making out with girls helps the writing sit so perfectly on the line between specific and universal. If I were to be especially fussy, it could be said that the script becomes slightly repetitive at times. Some elements, such as the use of the Grindr sound effect, could do with verbal clarification for audiences less familiar with the app, and the ideas around religion could have been fleshed out further. It remains, however, a remarkable piece of writing.

Spencer also performs his writing with a real honesty, transitioning smoothly between a public-facing cheekiness and moments of serious emotional depth – there are points where we feel genuine concern for him. The only things subtracting from the performance are some issues with awkward cuts and poor sound quality – the choppy switches between cuts takes us out of a few important moments, and dialogue with the off-screen voice in the first scene is at times hard to make out. These flaws can be easily forgiven, though; the show would work seamlessly in person, but we are unfortunately still gradually exiting the age of online theatre.

Like every other theatre fan, I’ve watched a lot of filmed monologues over the last year and a half. The influence of the likes of Fleabag can be felt within this piece (what would a review of a monologue be without a reference to Phoebe Waller-Bridge or Michaela Coel?), but it’s clear that the team have taken into consideration the limits and possibilities of the form and made it work for them. With its cohesive structure, engaging character and unfaltering honesty, Track 2 takes its place as one of the best examples of what has become an era-defining genre.

Image Credit: Pete Miller.

Editorial: Russell Group Student Newspapers for No-Detriment Policy

As the editors of Russell Group student newspapers, we are writing collectively to request a reversal of the Russell Group’s statement, 7 January 2020, ‘on ensuring fair assessment and protecting the integrity of degrees.’

As editors, not only are we students or recent students ourselves but we are also in constant contact with the students at our respective universities, as part of the function of our extracurricular roles. Apart from sharing in their collective experiences, we have a unique insight into their attitudes, viewpoints and beliefs. We speak and listen to them every day – and every day since the beginning of this academic year, we have heard students calling for more understanding, cooperation and empathy from university management. 

The statement shared by the Russell Group on 7 January showed the inconsistencies between what they and we understand to be adequate teaching. Whilst we enormously appreciate the hard work of teaching staff under these challenging circumstances and understand the complications ‘blended learning’ has presented, students have repeatedly said they have not been adequately supported throughout this pandemic. This is by no means to disregard the tremendous efforts of university staff, but it is simply a consequence of the realities of a year like none other in living memory. 

The lack of a ‘no detriment’ or ‘safety net’ policy has been a miscalculation by the Russell Group. Students across the UK have been left feeling abandoned by both the government, devolved administrations and universities themselves. 

As the editors of 28 student papers, we pick up and record the views of our students on a regular basis. What many are telling us, as a result of personal and shared difficulties, is that they do require the support a clearer ‘no detriment’ policy would deliver.

We object to the assumption made by the Russell Group that ‘emergency measures’ are no longer ‘necessary’ or ‘appropriate’. We are living through what are undeniably unprecedented times – this is a global emergency. The Prime Minister has labelled these weeks of the third lockdown as the critical point in the UK’s fight against the pandemic – death tolls are high, hospitals have reached capacity, we are still just in the early days of administering vaccines. Students, locked down in various levels of economic and social stability across the nation, are facing some of the most important exams we have sat in our lives to date – under some of the most difficult circumstances many will have faced. International students, too, have been working all term from various time zones around the globe, detached from the support of their student communities.

If anything, this point in the pandemic is perhaps the most urgent. We are now facing a mental health crisis amongst young people. Figures by WONKHE and Trendence have shown that more students feel lonely and isolated on a daily basis as a result of the pandemic. Additionally, surveys of undergraduates by various higher education policy advisers have found that over 50 per cent of students say their mental health has significantly deteriorated during the course of the pandemic. 

Students are attempting to sit assessments with a lack of resources, varying internet connections and mixed home environments. There are students without desks, who share bedrooms with siblings, who have caring responsibilities when they’re at home. Across the country, there are students from wide and varied backgrounds who are struggling to study for their final year assessments, many also affected by illness and bereavement owing to COVID-19. Students from lower income families as well as estranged students are disproportionately affected in their learning experiences this year and less able to receive the traditional means of support. They do not deserve to be dismissed.  

Yet, no one from the Russell Group denied the emergency of the situation when metal fences were erected around halls at Manchester. Universities even went as far as to declare their own local emergencies by locking down individual residences during outbreaks amongst first years. There was no denial of ‘emergency’ when students were being blamed in the media for spikes in national COVID-19 cases. 

A-level and GCSE exams have been adjusted to as if this were an emergency – so why aren’t the Russell Group responding in the same way for university students?

It should also be noted the UK government have voided themselves of much of the responsibility for the problems students face. On January 15, the Minister of State for Universities Michelle Donelan tweeted that ‘if universities want to continue charging full fees, they are expected to maintain the quality, quantity and accessibility of tuition’. A government who demands this from its universities should put support systems in place to enable it.  

You have explained to our respective Student Unions that it is more appropriate for universities to provide ‘a range of policies and tools’ to ensure fair assessment for students. Whilst we agree some universities will need to adapt their policy on an individual basis, the Russell Group’s collective position against ‘no detriment’ or ‘safety net’ policy does not match the reality of what many students have faced, and are continuing to face, this year.

In principle, a ‘no detriment’ or ‘safety net’ policy should ensure a student’s grade is not worsened as a result of the pandemic. Currently, many of your universities’ mitigatory policies amount to simply offering more time for assessments. Frankly, a matter of extra days or a week is not sufficient for the challenges that we have outlined above, which students are facing in real time.

We understand that an algorithmic approach is not entirely viable due to the lack of benchmark data for many students at this stage of the 2020/21 academic year – that’s a mathematical given. But it is by no means impossible to support an alternative ‘no detriment’ policy built for the circumstances. The University of York, for instance, is implementing a comprehensive policy, attempting to take into account the unique challenges posed by this pandemic, as opposed to reshuffling and extending existing policies. 

By readjusting the weightings of each year towards a student’s overall degree and choosing the better of the two for penultimate- and final-year undergraduates, as well as allowing first-years to re-sit up to 90 failed credits in exams, the University of York have worked to try and introduce an appropriate and fair policy. Postgraduates, who should not be forgotten in any such policy, have also been offered an assured ‘safety net’. Overall, it is certainly not perfect but it at least strives to fulfill on the principle of ‘no detriment’, allowing students to simply focus on their studies, with some confidence they will not be impacted by COVID-19, whilst preserving the value of their degrees to employers. 

We urge all Russell Group universities to introduce similarly comprehensive policies.

Whilst we understand that every subject, university and student is different, showing the understanding and empathy to their students embodied in York’s approach should be a basic requirement.

Presently, there are a small number of universities, such as Cardiff, that have recently implemented similar policies. Yet their commitment to this editorial is on the basis that students from all Russell Group universities should have the same level of assurance.

Overall, many students will of course respect and largely agree with your desire to maintain degree standards comparative to other years and to ensure, as you say, that they still ‘command the confidence of employers and professional bodies’. However, where other aspects of society have shifted or seen unprecedented measures introduced over the course of the last year, we believe a reweighting or rescaling of degrees is certainly possible. The students we write for and hear from daily are not asking for a policy that allows them to stop working or learning, but one that simply acknowledges the reality of the pandemic and its wide-ranging impact.

Ultimately, you claim you want to uphold the integrity of our degrees. Yet a university’s first responsibility is to its students and acting with integrity ought to mean upholding this responsibility. Many students across the country have not received the ‘blended’ or ‘hybrid’ learning experience they were promised; many are now separated from their campuses, with its facilities and libraries, due to a third national lockdown brought about largely by an unforeseen variant; many are facing personal, long-term hardship as a result of the virus, and/or extreme difficulties at home.

The integrity of a degree, too – students would hope – should encompass a focus on the opportunity to learn and study as well as a focus on rankings and outcomes. The integrity of university institutions should entail safeguarding the mental wellbeing of its students. Under the current plans laid out by most Russell Group universities, students are reporting to us loudly that neither of these are currently in line.

Students have not been quiet about their concerns. With exams fast approaching, and some already underway, now is the time for Russell Groups universities to act compassionately and responsibly.

Editorial: Oxford must adopt a no-detriment policy for this year’s finalists

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It is an understatement to say that we are living in extraordinary times. Last March, the UK, along with the rest of the world, came to a grinding halt at the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic as we tried to cope with a crisis that was entirely without precedent. The Prime Minister told us then that “things are going to get worse before they get better” – but the reality of this warning has only now been fully realised.

Ten months later, the UK has entered the worst stage of its crisis so far: tragically, cases and deaths have soared and, once again, students have been asked to study from home with Hilary term teaching moved online. However, many are highly concerned about the limited and restrained adjustments recently made by the University of Oxford to account for the deterioration of the coronavirus crisis and its impact on the upcoming term and students’ education as a whole. 

It is not unreasonable to expect that students should not be disadvantaged by circumstances wholly beyond their control. That is why the editorial boards of The Oxford Blue, The Oxford Student and Cherwell are calling on the University of Oxford to introduce a fair ‘no-detriment’ policy for finalists.

While the scale of this tragedy has been devastating in terms of loss of life, the quality of students’ education has also suffered enormously. Students have raised serious concerns in recent days and weeks about issues at home: different time zones to Oxford in their home location; a lack of space; noise; and an absence of essential work tools including a desk, books, a computer and a stable, high-speed internet connection. Furthermore, international students are faced with additional (and unpredictable) challenges, such as having to make travel plans, negotiating complex and changeable immigration policies, undergoing mandatory periods of quarantine (either in private accomodation or specialist facilities) and/or firewalled internet access. Students who are materially more privileged than others in these areas are thus at a significant advantage compared to their peers. 

Many students have also felt lonely, confused and anxious throughout the pandemic. Like the rest of the population, students have had to contend with self-isolation and the emotional impact of being unable to socialise normally with friends, family and partners. Some students have been ill with COVID-19 themselves or had to care for sick household members and loved ones whilst keeping up with the famously rigorous, unrelenting pace of an Oxford degree. The pandemic’s asymmetric demands on students means that a one-size-fits-all approach cannot be feasible and a ‘no-detriment’ policy is crucial for student success.

In such extraordinary circumstances – and ten months into the UK’s COVID-19 crisis – students deserve better than inflexibility and an insistence that it is possible to study as normal in such tough conditions. It is crucial to recognise the circumstances that led to the establishment of the ‘no-detriment policy’ last spring have only been prolonged and exacerbated over the course of recent months. If students are to pay full tuition fees for a severely diminished university education, it is right that the University at least intervenes to accommodate the impact of COVID-19 on our learning experience and academic attainment. 

Last year, in light of the rapid spread and impact of COVID-19, the University listened to student feedback and implemented what they called a no-detriment policy, designed to ensure that finalists did not suffer from the consequences of a global issue outside of their control. Whilst by no means perfect, this policy was executed well in many respects. The optionality from last year should be continued further given the nature of the ongoing crisis. Imposing any one formula on the entire student body will unfairly disadvantage a significant number of its members. If we prioritise simplicity, we may unintentionally neglect the nuances of the situation which we face. Decentralising choice to students means that assessment will consider principles of fairness and equity, and ensure that each student can face the challenges we all find ourselves facing on their own terms, in a way that is right for them. That is what a no-detriment policy must guarantee.

There is undoubtedly a shared interest amongst the entire staff-student body in not wanting the value of an Oxford degree to be diluted, and everyone understands the importance of ‘academic rigour’; it is why many students apply to study here. However, it is unavoidable that students will be affected to varying degrees by the pandemic. Some will feel unable to be examined at the end of this calendar year if, for example, they or a close family member fall ill and/or they have been struggling with mental health issues. Others may be able to undertake exams, but will have to do so in extremely difficult conditions. More still will need to fulfil academic conditions to begin postgraduate courses but may or may not be able to be assessed next term. It suffices to say that no one solution can accommodate all students in a satisfactory manner and, therefore, a solution similar to last year must be implemented.

Yesterday’s email from the University, however, is not only a disappointment but an insult to the entire student body. By refusing to implement a clear ‘safety net’ policy, the University is downplaying the real-world impact that the pandemic has had on students’ learning – both in terms of access to teaching and resources, and of the effect of this crisis on students’ mental health. Some individual departments have also introduced policies that represent a ‘business as usual’ approach to exams and assessments, despite students’ loss of library access, resources and study spaces. A reliance on examiners’ personal acknowledgement of the past year’s unique circumstances cannot replace a formal framework that can evaluate and mitigate inequalities in learning and attainment. 

The University has said that it will announce “additional measures” to ensure fair degree outcomes in “the middle of Hilary term”. The only way to ensure fairness is for the University – in conjunction with departments and faculties – to commit, as soon as possible, to a no-detriment policy for all those taking exams and submitting other assessments, Such measures can ensure that no individual Oxford student is unjustly disadvantaged by the effect of the pandemic on their learning in the last year and during the next.  

Oxford’s Student Union, which serves as a voice for a student body of over 22,000, has said that the University should “recognise the academic challenges by reassessing workloads and assessment practices”, calling for a “fair outcome policy” defined as “a system of policies put in place to mitigate the detrimental effects of the pandemic on students with exams and coursework this year”. This will involve the re-scaling and re-weighting of exams and coursework to reflect the impact of the pandemic on the whole cohort. At an individual level, the Student Union has called for students to be able to file for mitigating circumstances and deadline extensions – without needing to prove that the pandemic has affected their studies – and to access better financial, academic and mental health support. We wholeheartedly endorse these demands and encourage students to find out more about the Student Union’s campaign and services and attend the online workshop taking place this evening (13 January), which will address these issues.

Other universities in the Russell Group, such the University of York, have also started to implement similar ‘safety net’ policies, and the Universities of Leeds, Lancaster and Bristol are considering similar approaches. A petition by Oxford students to the Vice Chancellor to implement “fair safety nets” has already attracted almost 800 signatures at the time of writing. 

On Tuesday, the University ruled out the possibility of a ‘blanket safety net’, but given the disruption caused to the last two terms – which will likely endure even beyond Hilary term – it must now act to introduce a fair no-detriment policy which will also reflect the impact of the pandemic on assessments, just as last year’s safety net did. To fail to do so will present an entirely unfair disadvantage to Oxford students, directly undermining the University’s commitment to student welfare and academic success.

The effects of the COVID-19 pandemic on a whole generation of students can not even begin to be graphed on a curve. This crisis is, as we are so often reminded, ‘unprecedented’ – but extraordinary times surely call for equally extraordinary measures. 

A fair, robust no-detriment policy is one of those measures – and it must be implemented now. 

Editors-in-Chief and Managing Director, Cherwell, The Oxford Blue, and The Oxford Student

All I Want for Christmas is Food!

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Come Christmas, what’s on your table? Are there bowls overflowing with cranberry sauce? Plates filled with pigs in blankets? A prize bird gleaming on its platter? Traditions differ, but some dishes find their feature every year. 

For most, the star of the Christmas feast is the turkey: the plump, golden-skinned bird that takes pride of place. But different birds have had their place; peacocks, pheasants and ducks all had their time on the table and before Victorian times, a goose was the typical centrepiece of the Christmas meal. 

Henry VIII, a man then synonymous with decadence, may have been the first in England to try a turkey, but it did not come into fashion until Charles Dickens chose to emphasise the immense philanthropy of Scrooge’s gift to the Cratchits by swapping their traditional goose for turkey. No expense would be spared, and thus the Christmas turkey fell into vogue. Isabella Beeton, author of Mrs Beeton’s Book of Household Management, and the Victorian authority on all things to do with housekeeping, bolstered this new trend by proclaiming that Christmas for the middle class “would scarcely be a Christmas dinner without its turkey”. 

Two of the more controversial members of a Christmas dinner, Yorkshire puddings and Bread Sauce, both find their origins in leftovers. Although many would argue Yorkshire puddings should only be eaten with roast beef, they actually originated from the drippings of fat off mutton as it roasted. As dripping fell into a pan filled with a batter, a Yorkshire pudding – enormous by today’s standards – would grow. Anyone with a food-strict upbringing similar to my own would never imagine a Yorkshire pudding on their plate come Christmas, yet this favourite continues to divide the country. It takes just a quick google search to discover the years of articles that have piled up from yuletides arguing pro-YP or against!

Yorkshire puddings’ more traditional, but stranger cousin is bread sauce. The beige, lumpy, liquid-like substance is not much more than gloop to those who haven’t been brought up with it. But to a fan, it’s a haven of stodgy delight. Bread sauce also originates from leftovers. In the Medieval period, soups were thickened with leftover bread, rather than flour as used today. These soups were prepared for Christmas feasts and evolved into the bay/nutmeg/clove flavoured slop (can you tell I wasn’t raised on it?) that so many will douse their turkey with this week.

As with anything that has its roots in the dinners of yore, the veg on our plates at Christmas have been shaped simply by whatever our ancestors managed to grow. Brussel sprouts found their way to the UK from Belgium, being the only cold-hardy green around. Parsnips, the preferred partner to sprouts, are harvested in the winter. Their first frost causes sugars to be released from their starch stores, giving them their characteristic sweetness (you won’t find that fun fact in your cracker). 

Christmas desserts may be the most reliably underwhelming part of the day. Dessert has the opportunity to hold such creativity and glee, and yet the dry, misshapen lumps turned out year after year hold nothing but an unbelievable amount of fruit. They also hold a considerable serving of history. 

The myth of each of the thirteen fillings of Christmas cake representing the 12 apostles and Jesus is a fun tale, but the most interesting story is with mince pies. First, let’s clear it up – yes, mincemeat did once contain real meat. Dating back to the crusades when meat/spiced/fruit pies found their way back to Europe, mince pies evolved from rectangular “coffins” to round Christmas Pyes that were often found at bountiful Christmas feasts. They were famously held in disdain by Cromwell’s Puritan government because of the ‘more-gluttony-less-Jesus’ they seemed to represent. By the Victorian period, mincemeat was being prepared and jarred earlier and earlier in the year to allow flavours to mature, and hence, meat was left at the wayside – thankfully for us. 

These Victorian mince pies largely look like those we have today – buttery pastry, spiced fruit (and suet) filling, decoration with festive designs on top. Though their status as a delicious treat may be divisive, mince pies, with their undeniably Christmassy aroma, remind you it’s a special time of the year, and for that they fulfil their role as a Christmas food tradition. 

Whether you guzzle gravy or put away potatoes, your food has been through a lot to make it onto your table – so forget the Queen’s speech and tune into your food come Friday. 

Image credit: Wikimedia Commons.

SU criticises colleges’ reduction of vacation residence

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Some colleges are reducing the availability of residence for students over the Michaelmas vacation. Oxford SU is lobbying to ensure international students are guaranteed accommodation for those who wish to remain, and has criticised the impact on care leavers, estranged students, and independent students.

Oxford SU passed a motion in 3rd week resolving to ask the University to guarantee all international student residence in Oxford over the vacation. The SU also resolves to push for vacation residence to be offered at 15% of usual vacation rent.

College policies do not currently fulfil Oxford SU’s requests. St John’s College has said that their vacation residence and grant scheme “will not operate as usual” during this vacation. All students have to leave, except international students whose home borders are closed and students with extended terms for their subjects.  

St John’s told students that this was to ensure staff get a break from a difficult term, and students get a break to spend some time in a “different environment” before next year.

Queen’s College emailed students saying they “strongly urge” and “expect” all UK-domiciled students to return, noting that for students with welfare concerns, the welfare services would be closed for a period over the vacation.  

They also told international students that the requirement to quarantine in their home country and in the UK is “unlikely” to be a “compelling reason” to be granted vacation residence. Queen’s said that, if borders for students’ home countries are closed, students should consider asking friends to stay at their homes. Queen’s reminded students that “there is no automatic right to stay in College”.

Oxford SU Class Act Campaign told Cherwell: “This is an issue not only for international students, but also for care leavers, estranged students, and independent students. Colleges consistently fail to provide these students with security, instead leaving individuals to negotiate with them for the right to have somewhere to stay. This is a difficult situation for everyone, but many students call Oxford their home, and must not be forgotten in this pandemic.”

One anonymous student told Cherwell: “The vacation residence policy email I received from my college was a disappointing read that placed unnecessary anxiety upon estranged students. For some of us, home life is not safe: it does not matter if this has always been the case, or if this is recent. Trinity Term lockdown was hard enough to suffer because students from other colleges were able to return – hopefully we can stay this time.

“I, like many other students, am incredibly grateful for my time at Oxford because of the freedom it gives me. It is also one of the reasons students take advantage of the vacation residence system: escape. To put it plainly, studying in college is better than working at home. We already try so hard to learn to live independently, study efficiently and strike that balance needed to be happy that if we are forced back into our older unhealthy environments no good will come of it.”

Oxford SU will further ask the University to ensure students who are required to quarantine upon return to Oxford get free accommodation, and receive food at the average price of their college’s home food.

Students who were required to quarantine upon arrival at the beginning of Michaelmas faced very varied college policies. Oxford SU’s motion stated that students were “in some cases charged extortionate rates for their accommodation”. 
Cherwell reported at the beginning of the term that Oriel College charged self-isolating international students over £700, including a nearly £30 per day food bill. Some colleges, including Hertford, Magdalen, Queen’s, and Worcester College, made accommodation free.

Image credit: Simononly/ Wikimedia Commons

Oxford University’s ties to nuclear weapons industry revealed

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Freedom of Information requests submitted by Cherwell have revealed that Oxford University accepted at least £726,706 from the Atomic Weapons Establishment (AWE), the designer and producer of the UK’s nuclear warheads, during the years 2017-19 alone.

The majority of this money was awarded to the Oxford Centre for High Energy Density Science (OxCHEDS), which advertises AWE as one of its “national partners” on its website.

AWE’s funding is mostly used by OxCHEDS to fund individual research projects and studentships, with a substantial portion (£82,863 in 2019) funding the department’s William Penney Fellowship, named after the head of the British delegation for the Manhattan Project and ‘father of the British atomic bomb’. According to the AWE website, William Penney Fellows “act as ambassadors for AWE in the scientific and technical communities in which they operate”.

This fellowship is currently shared by two professors, Justin Wark and Peter Norreys, both of whom collaborate closely with US state laboratories that develop nuclear weapons, the Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory and the Los Alamos National Laboratory.

AWE donations have also funded projects at the University’s Departments of Chemistry, Engineering, and Physics, a number of which are directly linked to the design of nuclear weapons. One AWE-funded paper, published in 2019, investigated fusion yield production, a vital way of testing the destructive power of a warhead prior to manufacturing, whilst another project researched methods used by nuclear weapons designers for simulating the interior of a detonating warhead.

This research also has civilian applications, and does not in itself point towards the development of nuclear weapons. A spokesperson from Oxford University stated: “Oxford University research is academically driven, with the ultimate aim of enhancing openly available scholarship and knowledge. All research projects with defence sector funding advance general scientific understanding, with a wide range of subsequent civilian applications, as well as potential application by the sector.”

However, AWE is not a civilian organisation. As Andrew Smith of Campaign Against the Arms Trade told Cherwell, “the AWE exists to promote the deadliest weaponry possible. It is not funding these projects because it cares about education, but because it wants to benefit from the research and association that goes with it”. Mr. Smith concluded: “Oxford University should be leading by example, not providing research and cheap labour for the arms industry”.

Responding to Cherwell’s findings, Dr Stuart Parkinson, Director of Scientists for Global Responsibility, described Oxford University’s ties with AWE as “shocking” and called for the work to be “terminated immediately”. He said that the findings “point very clearly to Oxford University researchers being involved in the development of weapons of mass destruction”.

In the face of this criticism, the University spokesperson claimed: “All research funders must first pass ethical scrutiny and be approved by the University’s Committee to Review Donations and Research Funding. This is a robust, independent system, which takes legal, ethical and reputational issues into consideration.”

However, there are growing concerns over the ethics and efficacy of this process, which has seen controversial donations from the Sackler family, Wafic Saïd, and Stephen Schwarzman given the green light despite internal and public protests. The committee’s deliberations are frequently subject to Non-Disclosure Agreements, meaning that they are not accountable to members of the University and to the wider public. Moreover, Freedom of Information requests submitted earlier this year revealed that the committee accepts over 95% of the funding it considers, with congregation members describing the committee as a “smokescreen” and a “fig leaf”.

In recent years, the University has faced increased opposition from student groups such as the Oxford Climate Justice Campaign and Oxford Against Schwarzman over the companies Oxford chooses to affiliate itself with through investments and donations. From this term onwards, a newly formed student group, Disarm Oxford, will be campaigning against the University’s numerous ties with the arms industry. Oxford Amnesty International is working with Disarm Oxford on the global Campaign to Stop Killer Robots, and to strive for the disarmament of the University more broadly.

Dr Rowan Williams, the former Archbishop of Canterbury and Chair of the Trustees of the Council for the Defence of British Universities, told Cherwell: “The recent publicity around university divestment from fossil fuels has highlighted the need for university bodies to be transparent about the ethical standards they apply to their funding, and it is encouraging to see this crucial question being raised also in the context of armaments-related funds and research.”

The combination of Brexit and the coronavirus pandemic has created a particularly difficult time for university research finances. In a marketised higher education system, seeking and welcoming money from industry partnerships seems like an inevitability. However, while some industries rely on academic research to save lives, others are predicated on taking them. With the UK confirmed this year as the world’s second biggest exporter of arms, the University’s significant ties to the development of weaponry has an alarming global significance which is now beginning to be called into question.

Oxford University leads ‘breakthrough’ in coronavirus treatment

A trial led by Oxford University has discovered that dexamethasone, a cheap steroid, can help reduce deaths in seriously ill COVID-19 patients.

The drug reduced the risk of death by one-third for patients on ventilators and by one-fifth for patients on oxygen.

Oxford University says: “Based on these results, 1 death would be prevented by treatment of around 8 ventilated patients or around 25 patients requiring oxygen alone.”

Chief Medical Officer Professor Chris Whitty has described it as “the most important trial result for COVID-19 so far”.

The British government has immediately authorised use of the drug in the NHS, saying “thousands of lives will be saved”. The government has secured supplies of dexamethasone in the UK, meaning there is already treatment for over 200,000 people.

Prime Minister Boris Johnson has said this is “a remarkable British scientific achievement” and that the government “have taken steps to ensure we have enough supplies, even in the event of a second peak”.

It was discovered as part of the RECOVERY trial, the Randomised Evaluation of COVID-19 Therapy, which has involved over 11,500 patients at over 175 NHS hospitals in the UK.  

About 2000 hospital patients were given 6mg of dexamethasone per day and compared with more than 4,000 who were not.

For patients on ventilators, it cut the risk of death from 41% to 28%. For patients needing oxygen, it cut the risk of death from 25% to 20%.

The drug costs £5.40 per day and treatment takes up to 10 days. Professor Martin Landray, one of the Chief Investigators, has said: “So essentially it costs £35 to save a life.”

Chief investigator Peter Horby has said: “This is the only drug so far that has been shown to reduce mortality – and it reduces it significantly. It’s a major breakthrough.”

The UK Government’s Chief Scientific Adviser, Sir Patrick Vallance, said: “This is tremendous news today from the RECOVERY trial showing that dexamethasone is the first drug to reduce mortality from COVID-19. It is particularly exciting as this is an inexpensive widely available medicine. This is a ground-breaking development in our fight against the disease, and the speed at which researchers have progressed finding an effective treatment is truly remarkable. It shows the importance of doing high quality clinical trials and basing decisions on the results of those trials.”

Peter Horby, Professor of Emerging Infectious Diseases in the Nuffield Department of Medicine and one of the Chief Investigators for the trial, said: “Dexamethasone is the first drug to be shown to improve survival in COVID-19. This is an extremely welcome result. The survival benefit is clear and large in those patients who are sick enough to require oxygen treatment, so dexamethasone should now become standard of care in these patients. Dexamethasone is inexpensive, on the shelf, and can be used immediately to save lives worldwide.”

Martin Landray, Professor of Medicine and Epidemiology at the Nuffield Department of Population Health, University of Oxford, one of the Chief Investigators, said: “Since the appearance of COVID-19 six months ago, the search has been on for treatments that can improve survival, particularly in the sickest patients. These preliminary results from the RECOVERY trial are very clear – dexamethasone reduces the risk of death among patients with severe respiratory complications. COVID-19 is a global disease – it is fantastic that the first treatment demonstrated to reduce mortality is one that is instantly available and affordable worldwide.”

Image credit to Pixabay.

Self-isolated student diagnosed with Covid-19

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Public Health England (PHE) has confirmed that a student at the University of Oxford has tested positive for coronavirus (Covid-19) after returning home from a specified country.

The university has said that “Our immediate concerns are for the affected student and their family, along with the health and wellbeing of our university staff, students and visitors. The student is being offered all necessary support.”

The university has established that the affected student did not attend any university or college events after they felt ill, when they subsequently self-isolated. 

PHE has advised that the risk to other students and staff is very low and that university and college activities can continue as normal. They have also advised that the university and colleges do not need to take any additional public health actions in the light of this specific case.

A university spokesperson has said “We have worked with PHE to make sure that anyone who was in contact with the student after they fell ill have been notified and that they are able to access support and information as needed. PHE do not consider individuals infectious until they develop symptoms.”

The university is providing support for students, staff, and the wider community.

The University is sharing further updates on the current infection at  www.ox.ac.uk/coronavirus-advice.

BREAKING: Oxford announces record state school offers

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Oxford University has announced that more than 69% of undergraduate offers have been made to students attending state schools. The increase of 4.6% is the “best percentage increase the University has ever seen.”

30.9% of offers were made to students from independent schools; this is over 12% higher than the 18% of students who attend independent sixth forms, according to the Sutton Trust (2018), and dramatically higher than the 7% of all UK students attending independent schools. 

78% of offers were made to UK applicants, 7% to EU applicants and 15% to Overseas applicants. The University specifies that ‘UK applicants are more likely to receive an offer.’ 

The University was unable to provide a breakdown of the split between Grammar, Comprehensive, Academy and other forms of state schools as they do not currently collect that data. The data on the inter-state school split is not published in the University’s annual data report either, however the May 2019 access report published by the University highlighted that ‘In 2018, 11.3% of UK students admitted to Oxford came from the two most socioeconomically disadvantaged groups (ACORN categories 4 and 56).’

Oxford’s successful UNIQ programme has led to 250 students being made offers this year. The offer rate to students who attended UNIQ programmes is 33.6%, in contrast to the offer rate of 21.5% across UK applicants. The increase in offers to UNIQ participants comes after the expansion of the scheme last year, which saw more than 1,350 pupils take part in the programme – an increase of 50%. This is the largest number of UNIQ participants to receive offers in the programme’s history, thanks to the dramatic development in 2019. 

This year, Students from POLAR4 quintile 1 accounted for 6.4% of UK offers – up by 1.4%. These students represent the areas with the lowest progression to higher education.

Dr Samina Khan, Director of Undergraduate Admissions and Outreach at Oxford, said: “We are delighted by this record number of offers to state school students, and to students from under-represented backgrounds. This creates a strong foundation for what we aim to achieve. We know that students from some backgrounds are not as well-represented at Oxford as they should be, and we are determined that this should change. Having taught in state schools during my career, I know the wealth of talent that lies there. We wish the students every success in their studies, and hope they flourish at Oxford.”

The number of offers made to young people from areas with the lowest progression rates to higher education have increased. Students from POLAR4 quintile 1 accounted for 6.4% of UK offers – up by 1.4% from 2019 offers.

In 2015 the University made 56.7% of their offers to students from state schools. Across the past five years, there has been an increase of 12.4% in state school offers. This comes after pioneering Oxford schemes have taken place, from the UNIQ programmes to Lady Margaret Hall’s Foundation Year and University College’s bridging scheme. It also coincides with the University’s formation of the Foundation Oxford and Opportunity Oxford schemes.

Opportunity Oxford launched at the end of the previous academic year, and this week more than 100 candidates from under-represented backgrounds received offers to study as a part of the scheme. Dr Andrew Bell, Coordinator of Oppertunity Oxford and University College Senior Tutor, has stated:

“Opportunity Oxford is a major new initiative to increase the number of offers made to UK students from under-represented backgrounds, and to provide academic support to those students to ensure that they have the best possible start to their university careers. This year, more than 100 offers have been made under the scheme across 28 colleges. We anticipate making 200 offers per year under the scheme from 2022 onwards. We’re really excited to have launched Opportunity Oxford, and we very much look forward to welcoming our first cohort to Oxford later this year.”

This article was updated at 20:02 15.1.20 to clarify POLAR.

Further clarification was made at 00:11, 16.1.19 concerning Opportunity Oxford.

Kiss My Genders – Celebrating identity with the Hayward Gallery

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“Look.” A voice whispers – slowly, sensually.

White curtains quiver in the non-existent breeze that haunts the clinical interior of the Hayward gallery. With that slight movement, too, the image projected onto the curtain sways – Victoria Sin’s wide eyes flicker involuntarily as the camera slowly zooms into their face. In sparkling lingerie and full drag inspired by Cantonese opera, the model, laid out demurely across a satin curtain, stares back at the starers; sometimes sultry, sometimes vulnerable, always, somehow, piercing.

“Look. Look. Look – At her.”  

Victoria Sin’s A View from Elsewhere, Act 1, and She Postures in Context, three film-art pieces projected onto a curtain-enclosure, embody the spirit of the Hayward’s latest exhibition Kiss My Genders. The exhibition, made up of over a hundred artworks by thirty different international artists, centres around gender identity and fluidity. Physically enclosing their viewers in the wavering medium of cloth and projection, Sin appears to comment on the insubstantiality of gender boundaries, but in subverting perspective and viewing experience, also draws attention to the role of performance, presentation and spectatorship in all elements of identity. Hayward claims the exhibition focuses on “content and forms that challenge accepted or stable definitions of gender.” Paintings of hunter-gatherer tribes with drag elements question the West’s suppression of third-gender narratives, while sculptures made of artificial oestrogen and testosterone break down, biologically, what it means to be “male” or “female”.

But more than just gender identity, the exhibits are an expression of the individuality and the internal or cultural conflicts of the artists. Amrou Al-Kadhi teams up with Holly Falconer to explore what he describes as the “disorienting” experience of being drag as a person of Muslim heritage by modelling as drag persona Glamrou wrapped in a Persian carpet. Cloned in different poses through triple exposure to express the incongruence of these disparate cultures, Al-Kadhi demonstrates their successful unification in the persona of Glamrou. Meanwhile Juliana Huxtable’s photographic self-portraits deflect identity-labels entirely; using makeup, costumes and fantasy backgrounds, she deflects the reductive categorizations ascribed to her as a “black intersex artist” by creating personalized embodiments of mythology, sci-fi and super-heroes. Kiss My Genders thereby becomes an exploration not only of the boundaries perceived in gender – but of individuals’ cultural identity experiences.

With this exhibition, an art assistant explains, the Hayward is attempting to break the mould of LGBTQ+ and gender-related exhibitions, which often focus on the violence and oppression experienced by these communities. Instead they want to celebrate different identities. Nonetheless, the exhibition is palpably political: Zanele Muholi explores black lesbian and transgender experiences in South Africa through photography – and acts of violence are still an all too present component of that. In her series Crime Scenes she stages the aftermath of brutal murders, photographing the upturned feet of model corpses buried in sheets of plastic and litter. Paintings like YESSIR! Back off! Tell me who I am, again? combine illustration and collage to satirize the way gender transition is spoken about. The artist, Flo Brooks, depicts a fictional cleaning company scrubbing away at a therapist’s room, reflecting his experience of the “hygienic spaces” he experienced while transitioning; “spaces designed to clean, conceal and correct” things socially considered “dirty, abnormal or other” – but also addresses the way transgender issues are generalised and “sterilized” through neat clinical terms. Artists in Kiss My Genders marry the intensely personal with the social, emotional with the playful, and at the same time evoke all the contrasting feelings of pride, comfort, fear, frustration, belonging and exclusion.

The exhibition succeeds in its “celebration” and “expression” of identities – but the presentation, at times, is confusing. The works of some artists are split across multiple floors, the labelling unclear, and it is generally worth asking the art assistants to talk you through the rooms – difficult, when the gallery is at its busiest and a shame for an exhibition set on “opening doors.” Perhaps this is all the more noticeable as the exhibition appears to be catered towards an audience that identifies with binary genders – many of the artworks require the context of the theme or artist in order to be appreciated. Often, however, this is used in a positive way; many of the exhibits are truly thought provoking.

Most strikingly, Something for the Boys takes us through a spiral of ruched curtains in metallic pink – as if we are walking into a private adult show, yet at the same time, as if we were walking onto a stage. In the centre of the spiral we find ourselves in a circular womb-like room with a screen. Cutting between various LGBTQ+ spaces in Blackpool, the projected film shows an increasing disconnect between sound and image; a drag queen mouthing to “I am who I am” off-sync, interjected with a club-dance choreography, stills of gay clubs, the camera panning over pornographic videos and fetish-wear, and back to the drag queen – except this time she just mouths, and all we can hear is industrial sounds – once again connecting gender-identity and sexuality to cultural identity as a whole. But there is also something intimately performative about the display – the gesticulations and dances, unhinged from their appropriate music, seem to point to a theme of performance and spectatorship at large. And suddenly, that circular room no longer feels like a private theatre. It starts to feel like a stage, and the question crosses our minds – who is really the performer here, the drag act, or us, playing up to our female/male expectations? Just as Victoria Sin’s insistent murmurs, Kiss My Genders seduces its audience into truly looking – and becoming aware of the instability of their perspective in the process.

This year’s NUS conference – how your delegates voted

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The National Union of Student’s annual conference took place between Tuesday and Friday of this week. Five of Oxford’s seven elected delegates were present and voting in Glasgow, with two not voting on any motions.

The voting records of all delegates are available for viewing online, whilst a list of the motions discussed over the three day event can be found here.

This conference saw the election of Zamzam Ibrahim as NUS President. Ibrahim, the former president of the Salford University students’ union, vowed in her manifesto to hold a National Student Strike, calling for free education, an improved student maintenance allowance and the return of the post-study work visa for overseas students.

Among the motions discussed, Oxford SU delegates voted to support the Mental Health Charter. This would seek to improve standards of mental health provision and funding across universities, acknowledging alarming rates of student suicide and the ongoing “mental health crisis”.

All Oxford delegates voted against the motion to revoke gender quotas within the SU. The proposer highlighted the now-increased presence of women in the organisation, since the rule’s creation in 2014, as well as the potential harm to non- binary individuals that a 50% female quota poses. The last 5 NUS presidents have identified as female, with racial discrimination featuring more often than gender inequality in this year’s manifestoes.

The conference itself was marked from the outset by sitting president Shakira Martin’s admission of the NUS’s financial trouble. Telling the conference that “we should have run out of cash”, Martin stated: “We are having problems that we need to sort out”.

This follows the November announcement that the NUS was unable to pay off a £3m deficit, cutting half of its jobs as a result. However, all Oxford delegates voted against a review of the NUS’s finances.

Closer to home, Oxford SU is continuing the hunt for a VP for Charities and Community, a position unfilled by Hilary term’s election. President Joe Inwood also penned a letter this month, calling for the university to revoke the honorary degree given to the Sultan of Brunei.

Oxford SU has been contacted for comment on the proceedings.

Tracey Emin’s A Fortnight of Tears: an unflinching study of the haunting power of trauma

It is a Sunday and some weeks since Tracey Emin’s latest London solo show at White Cube Bermondsey first opened to the public. Yet the people of south-east London have emerged in droves, so that at lunchtime the gallery is still milling with visitors – the fullest I have ever seen it. It is testament to the magnetism and celebrity of an artist like Emin that people continue to flock so dutifully to the austere, white-lit and grey-walled gallery to see a show entitled A Fortnight of Tears, when outside it is one of the sunniest days of the year so far. Outside, the faint hum of pop music floats down from the nearby park, while a yellow Labrador lolls out into the sunshine on the corner opposite. The scenes inside Emin’s exhibition, however, tell a starkly different story. 

Emin’s show is a broadly autobiographical survey of love and loss. It is a tour de force in sculpture, neon, painting, film, photography, and drawing. The artist’s uncanny ability to stage life’s ordinary tragedies, and to be entirely candid about the experience of female pain, is on display as masterfully as ever in the demanding spaces of the White Cube. Decades of dirty laundry are paraded through the gallery; the horrors of a 1990 botched abortion, rape, and the death of her mother are the dominant topics of expression. Though much of the language and subject matter has been a constant throughout her career, it is evident that Emin has come some way from her days as a party-girl enfant terrible of contemporary British art. There is a discernible grown-upness about this exhibition; familiar, ugly subjects are returned to with a new seriousness and sensitivity, though the bite is doubtless still there.

The South Gallery I houses ‘Insomnia Room Installation’. Huge Gilcée print iPhone selfies of the artist reveal a tormented Emin in various states of physical and mental injury over four years of sleepless nights. The pictures are double hung almost up to the ceiling in a manner that falls somewhere between a teenage girl’s bedroom and a French salon. Unframed and pinned in each corner, they lift off the wall slightly, a pencil signature just visible on each bottom-right corner. We are invited to share the unhappy bed. As the first room of the show this sets the tone for the rest: sad, intimate, and earnest.

Alongside the ‘finished’ works further on in the gallery, four cases containing sketches and writings on paper, maquettes, and memorabilia are exhibited from the artist’s archive. These sketches – some on notepad pages branded with the names of hotels – are reminiscent of those doodles we draw out on paper absent-mindedly, while taking a phone call or sitting in a lecture. They have a day-to-day feel about them. The cabinets are organised thematically under the topics of love, sex, death, and fear. Indeed, these are the subjects to which the artist returns obsessively, and which percolate through every room of the gallery, bleeding into each other at the edges.

Paintings around the cabinets line the wall like the Stations of the Cross. But Emin’s protagonist keeps falling down, stumbling with her proverbial cross with little sense of any eventual redemption. We are inclined to believe that these are self-portraits, though the women’s faces are almost always obscured. Emin’s girls have soft, protruding (pregnant?) bellies, clubbed feet and hands, blurry faces, and masses of dark pubic hair. The viewer is struck by the way that the swollen nipples, breasts, and genitals always seem to be most in focus.

‘I Watched You Disappear. Pink Ghost’ is the first picture in a brilliant triptych of portraits in the Ashes Room. Blurred as if captured through tears, steam, or the fogging lens of memory, a soft rosy body floats behind the canvas, which itself perhaps imitates a shower curtain. To the right a painting about the death of Emin’s mother, ‘I Was Too Young to be Carrying Your Ashes’ ruptures any impression of shy, warm womanhood that might have been offered by that tipsy pink. Thick red paint then erupts through the curtain-canvas; with a sudden and regrettable violence, this is the moment the Hitchcockian knife wielder plunges his weapon. The picture is an open wound, a bloody, weeping sore. ‘You Were Still There’ then resuscitates a dissected body. The womb is darkened with movement like the impact of a punch. The colours shift throughout from the pink-red blushes of the Madonna to the grey blackish-blue bruised body of Christ. A punishing and merciless life-cycle is acted out.

Emin proves herself here as a painter and a sculptor of bodies, rather than figures; her subjects are not idealised forms that exist outside of the self, but those that are an extension of it. In the best of these works, the intimate understanding of the body and of a personal psychology comes out beautifully raw. They are positioned firmly within the artist’s own identity, and in the bodily violence that is the source of so much of her trauma. The bodies that Emin paints are much better than the large sculptures that dominate the space because they still feel alive – trapped between soft and hard lines, pushed and pulled and beaten out on canvas and paper. Corporeal suffering is not only acted onto the body, but oozes out from within it into art.

Love, desire, and violence are intimately linked in Emin’s world. The interactions between bodies in the paintings are like the kiss in Giotto’s frescoes, where two faces collide into one, eyes open; somehow unromantic, while still wholly passionate. The word ‘longing’ seems to have come up in titles and prose again and again throughout the exhibition. In her 1996 film How It Feels – a fitting endnote to the show – Emin comments on her abortion: “I will never really get over it”. This sits at the core of all the artwork – the wanting, the not getting, and the not getting over.

“What this whole show is about is releasing myself from shame. I’ve killed my shame, I’ve hung it on the walls,” Emin claims. Women wracked with grief and desire, aching and desperate, contort themselves with it, she seems to be saying. Everything is deeply felt and then neatly hung up. The exhibition is entitled A Fortnight of Tears because, Emin claims, that is the longest she has ever cried. For all its wailing and thrashing, this grieving process has produced an exhibition of staggering emotional complexity.

Oxford Professor criticises use of gender hormones as “unregulated live experiment on children”

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Content warning: transphobia

An Oxford University professor has come under public scrutiny after contributing to a front page story in the Times criticising the use of hormone blockers on young people as “an unregulated live experiment on children.”

Professor Carl Heneghan, a fellow at Kellogg College and the director of the Centre of Evidence-Based Medicine, provided a comment piece to the newspaper as a supplement to an investigation into the Gender Identity Development Service Clinic, which the Times described as “the only NHS gender clinic for children”.

Professor Heneghan’s appeal was made on the basis of medical skepticism over the practice, writing that: “the majority of drugs in use are frequently supported by low-quality evidence about their use beyond the usual age for puberty, or in many cases no evidence at all”.

The piece to which Professor Heneghan contributed sparked a significant outrage, with prominent figures criticising the Times for its coverage. MP for Cardiff South Stephen Doughty tweeted: “It’s not just the shocking 1980s style headline – @thetimes @TimesLucy have given us a bumper edition of prejudice against the #Trans community today. Do they have *any* idea or even care about the harm this risks causing?”.

Speaking to Cherwell, Professor Heneghan stood by his comments, saying: “the development of these interventions should occur in the context of research. Treatments for under 18 gender dysphoric children and adolescents remain largely experimental.

“There are a large number of unanswered questions that include the age at start, reversibility; adverse events, long term effects on mental health, quality of life, bone mineral density, osteoporosis in later life and cognition.”

Responding to the issue for Cherwell, transgender campaigner Fox Fisher wrote: “The University of Oxford has a responsibility to make sure all students feel safe to attend the school – behaviour of this sort should never be tolerated and jeopardises the well-being of students and the integrity of the institution.

“Look at any modern research in anthropology, sociology, biology, psychology or psychiatry – all indicates that trans children benefit massively from being allowed to express themselves.”

In a public statement regarding the article, the Oxford Student Union LGBTQ+ Campaign condemned the article and urged both members of the LGBTQ+ Community and its allies to launch official complaints to the Independent Press Standards Organisation (ISPO).

The statement read: “Transphobic, fear-mongering articles being given priority in national news is unacceptable. Although the article includes information and statements from the Gender Identity Development Service (GIDS) that refutes its own main line of argument, emphasis is still placed upon unsupported and dangerous viewpoints.

“The prominence of this article within the issue of The Times clearly means to stir up misinformation which will exacerbate the difficulties transgender and gender nonconforming children and teenagers face in the UK.

“The article additionally relies on a statement from Carl Heneghan, who is a senior tutor at Kellogg College. His words attempt to give credibility to a transphobic rhetoric which is harmful to transgender people both within and outside of the University. It is deeply concerning that Dr Heneghan’s attempt to sow confusion about the treatment of trans children by conflating different treatment methods and rejecting information from the GIDS itself is being legitimised by the name of the University in this way.

“Conspicuously absent from both pieces are the voices of transgender people who have used the services provided by GIDS. Ignoring the perspective of the people who matter most in this issue, transgender children, is entirely unbalanced reporting.

“As such, both pieces fail to contribute to any kind of representative discussion on gender dysphoria, perpetuating only a transphobic editorial line.”

This article will be updated as we receive more information.

OUWAFC take on the Tabs

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On a sunny but very windy afternoon on Sunday 10th March, the Women’s Football Blues faced Cambridge in their annual Varsity match at the Hive Stadium in Barnet. The stakes were high – with their BUCS season drawing to a close, this game was the climax the team had been preparing for all season. Perhaps the fact that Oxford had already faced Cambridge twice in their BUCS run this season made the competition even fiercer; a 0-0 draw between the two sides in late January demonstrated that Varsity was either team’s for the taking.

Both teams got out of the blocks fast at the start of the game, making for an exciting first half. Although Cambridge did seem threatening at times and were putting Oxford under a lot of pressure by playing a particularly high line, the Dark Blues were able to keep them at bay and captain Lucy Harper led her defence well to snuff out any hope of glory for the Cambridge attack.

Oxford were equally keen to apply the pressure in the Cambridge half and wingers Erin Robinson and Katie Plummer made some great runs down the pitch which were difficult for the Light Blues cut out. However, with the Oxford forwards often being found offside, it was hard for them to break the deadlock and consequently the teams went into halftime with the score still at 0-0.

However, early in the second half, Cambridge were able to break Oxford’s resolve, and after a fumble in the box the ball came out to the edge of the area for Cambridge’s Ashcroft to propel a shot into the top right of the goal and put the Light Blues ahead. Two minutes later, the Tabs extended their lead after a corner that was not cleared up by the Oxford defence.

Despite this, Oxford did not let their heads go down and the next ten minutes of the game were extremely tense, with the Dark Blues desperately trying to close the gap between the two teams. Eventually, first-year duo Taiye Lawal and Rani Wermes were able to link up in Cambridge’s box, before Wermes went down from a foul and earned Oxford a penalty. Substitute Monique Pedroza stood up to the plate and smashed the ball high into the net to put Oxford level, much to the delight of the Dark Blue crowd.

Unfortunately for the Oxford team, as the match drew on they were unable to find any more luck in the Cambridge half, and at the other end of the pitch, Cambridge were awarded a penalty from a rather dubious handball and were able to make it 3-1, effectively sealing the deal and winning the game.

As the final whistle blew, Oxford were clearly filled with despair over their loss. However, such a valiant performance gave them much to be proud of, and the Dark Blues will be hoping to work harder than ever next season to claim back the trophy.

Despite this loss, the Women’s Reserves (the Furies) were able to find success against Cambridge Reserves (the Eagles) on home turf at Iffley on Saturday of 7th Week. The Furies found themselves 1-0 up after a through ball from Jasmine Savage reached the feet of captain Rebecca North who slotted the ball firmly in the back of the Cambridge net. However shortly after, Cambridge managed to breach Oxford’s defence, and after a two on one situation with Oxford’s last woman, were able to equalise with a short range shot on goal.

Going into the break the score remained 1-1, but neither team had any luck in the second half either, meaning at the end of the 90 minutes, the game went straight to penalties. The tension in the stadium was riding high, but Oxford kept their cool. After four goals from four Furies and three goals and a miss from Cambridge, the final Eagles penalty taker was hoping to keep her team in the game. However it was not to be, and an admittedly easy save from goalkeeper Emmie Halfpenny saw the Furies win Varsity for the second time in a row.

As the whole of the Oxford team sprinted from halfway to celebrate with their keeper, it was easy to see just how much this Varsity win meant for the Furies, who had worked so hard throughout the season for this moment.

With one cup spending a year at The Other Place, and the other cup held firmly in Oxford’s hands, all we can do now is wait until next year to see if OUWAFC are able to do the double over Cambridge.

OULC chairs accused of ‘misleading and unfair’ conduct over attempt to control club’s relationship with the media

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The co-chairs of Oxford University Labour Club have issued a statement to committee members demanding that all contact with the student press be approved by the executive, Cherwell can reveal.

Aiming to centralise the executive’s control over the club’s relationship with student media, the co-chairs recently claimed that committee members were constitutionally required to consult the co-chairs on statements to the press.

In a message sent to members of the club’s committee, co-chair Grace Davies said: “If any of you guys are approached by OxStu or Cherwell please please [sic] let us know.

“We’re keen to have a say in all communication going to the media and the constitution says that you should consult the co-chairs – I’ll be quite sad if I see peoples quotes in papers and me and Arya didn’t know about it first.”

Despite Davies’ claims that it is a constitutional requirement for members to consult the co-chairs before approaching the press, Cherwell could find no evidence of such a rule in the club’s constitution.

The club’s co-chairs responded to a request for comment by claiming “The comment regarding consulting co-chairs was intended to extend to, but only to, members of the club speaking on behalf of the club. The position of co-chair is the only position which has the mandate and official capacity to speak on behalf of the club.

“There was no intention to limit comments to press when speaking on individuals’ own behalf and in a personal capacity, and the intention was instead that any comments made officially by the club were decided by the entire committee, with both co-chairs being able to gauge the position of the entire club.

“Individual members of the OULC executive making comments on behalf of the club, does not follow the convention of the Labour Club, and can lead to confusion about the official position of the club.”

“We’re upset that a member of the club felt it was an attempt to censor their personal expressions of their views and would reassure them that this in no way our intention.”

“The publicity officer is elected to manage media and communications, and as such their role is to oversee comments made to the press, working alongside the co-chairs.

“This is a well established convention. Whenever possible, we try to reach agreement about statements to the press within the OULC committee so that the entire committee has a say in our official position, rather than individuals who do not have the mandate to decide OULC’s official position to the press. 

“The established interpretation of the constitution and other documents referred to in the constitution, is that only co-chairs can be ultimately responsible for any pronouncements made on behalf of the club.”

Despite this claim, no mention is made of members speaking on the club’s behalf in the original message.

One OULC member, speaking anonymously, told Cherwell that: “Though of course I understand why the Labour chairs want to centralise a lot of communication to the press, to act as though it is a formal rule is misleading and unfair.

“Moreover, on certain issues the ability to voice dissent via the press is valuable, and the Labour club will ultimately be weaker for the absence of honest disagreement with the party line.”

Oxford Boat Clubs announce crews for April’s race

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Oxford University Boat Club (OUBC) and Women’s Boat Club (OUWBC) this morning confirmed their crews at the City Hall, London for next month’s Boat Races.

The Men’s boat is identical to the crew that was named for last weekend’s fixture against Oxford Brookes, a race that was postponed due to high winds.

The crew weighs in at 719.6kg, 19.6 kilos lighter than the 2018 crew but nonetheless a shade heavier than their Cambridge counterparts, who weighed in at 718.3kg.

In the Women’s boat Oxford will concede roughly a 10kg swing, with the boat tipping the scales at 568.8kg compared to the 578.3kg of the CUWBC.

OUWBC will head into the race with 2 returning members of last year’s defeated crew, naming both Beth Bridgman of St Hugh’s and Keble’s Renée Koolschijn, although both have shifted position in the boat, with Bridgman moving from Stroke to position 6, and Koolschijn from Bow to position 3.

The situation is mirrored in the Men’s boat as OUBC president Felix Drinkall and Christ Church student Benedict Aldous – who last year replaced Joshua Bugajski at the eleventh hour in a decision shrouded by illness – are the only survivors in a youthful-looking crew.

The average age of the Oxford Men’s boat is 21.8 years-old, a historically low figure accentuated by the presence of four undergraduate scientists in the aforementioned duo of Drinkall and Aldous, as well as Charlie Pearson and Tobias Schroder.

This is in stark contrast with the CUBC crew, who sport an average age of 26.3, after the decision to include two-time Olympic gold medallist James Cracknell in the boat. Cracknell qualifies for selection as he is studying for an MPhil in Human Evolutionary Studies at Peterhouse College, floating the idea on Twitter as early as July 2018 alongside the hashtag “#NeverTooOld”.

The OUWBC crew have an average age of 23.9 years-old, slightly younger than the 24.3 years-old of the Cambridge Women’s crew.

The Light Blues comprehensively swept all 4 races last year, including a first victory in eight years for the Cambridge reserve boat Goldie over Isis, a dominance hitherto unseen since the move to stage each race on the same tideway in 2015.

Cambridge now lead the standings in the Men’s race 83-80, whilst they boast a greater advantage in the Women’s race, notching 43 to Oxford’s 30.

This year’s Boat Races take place on Sunday 7th April, with the Women’s race commencing at 2:15pm, followed by the Men’s race an hour later at 3:15pm.

The bookmaker William Hill has priced up the Men’s Race on their website, rating it a closely-fought affair, going 8/11 about Oxford and evens for Cambridge, with the possibility of a dead heat rated a 50/1 chance.

OUBC Crew:

Bow: Achim Harzeim, Oriel, 26yo, 88kg

2: Ben Landis, Lincoln, 24yo, 82kg

3: Patrick Sullivan, Wadham, 23yo, 92kg

4: Benedict Aldous, Christ Church, 21yo, 94kg

5: Tobias Schroder, Magdalen, 19yo, 94kg

6: Felix Drinkall, LMH, 19yo, 84kg

7: Charlie Pearson, Trinity, 20yo, 82kg

Stroke: Augustin Wambersie, Catz, 23yo, 89kg

Cox: Anna Carbery, Pembroke, 21yo, 54kg

OUWBC Crew:

Bow: Issy Dodds, Hertford, 69kg

2: Anna Murgatroyd, ChCh, 68kg

3: Renée Koolschijn, Keble, 73.8kg

4: Lizzie Polgreen, Linacre, 60.7kg

5: Tina Christmann, Worcester, 72.2kg

6: Beth Bridgman, St Hugh’s, 70.4kg

7: Liv Pryer, Teddy Hall, 77.3kg

Stroke: Amelia Standing, St Anne’s, 74kg

Cox: Eleanor Shearer, Nuffield

Corpus Christi JCR calls for Parks College plans to be stopped

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Corpus Christi College’s JCR Executive Committee has sent an open letter to the Vice-Chancellor objecting to the proposals for a new postgraduate college. The letter argued the University had failed to engage sufficiently with University members regarding the proposals, and suggested that “this college has no goal other than increasing student numbers.”

Parks College, a new postgraduate college proposed by the University to begin accepting undergraduates in 2020, aims to “draw together researchers from different disciplines to explore some of the big scientific questions of our time.”

The new college will use the Radcliffe Science Library site as part of the library’s redevelopment. The college will also aim to provide accommodation elsewhere. The Corpus Christi Executive Committee believe that “The “co-location” of Parks College and the Radcliffe Science Library will undermine both.  Every space is temporary: a room will one day be a library, the next, a seminar room, the day after, a public exhibition.

“How can academia flourish without a permanent space? The students and fellows of Parks College will instead remain confined to their respective Departments, defeating the ideal of interdisciplinary studies.”

Students also raised concerns about their opportunities to engage with the University on the Parks College proposals. During a JCR meeting about the letter, its author, Ed Hart, said: “I think it’s important to push against the lack of communication. It is a huge project and was pushed through within three months.”

In the letter, the committee wrote: “The proposal has been made with little to no attempt to engage with University members. The proposal was first mooted in August, in the provisional 2018–23 strategic plan, and it was presumed the creation of any college would be closer to 2023 than today.

“The plan was confirmed after the end of Michaelmas term 2018, after the publication of the final Gazette of the year, preventing serious discussion of it.

“Now, it is to be rushed through Congregation, with plans to hire fellows in just three months’ time. Meanwhile, student and faculty publications fume incredulously and faculties have been left expressing surprise that an important laboratory may become a dining hall.

“We find it concerning that such a monumental decision has been made without adequate consultation of the students you claim to represent.”

The committee also raised concerns about the purpose of the college, since it does not have an overtly outreach focus.

They said: “The proposed college fails to embrace Oxford’s long history of founding colleges to include those from marginalised backgrounds and to improve the lives of those outside the College system. Consider the foundation of the women’s colleges, the foundation of Mansfield College for non-conformist Christians and the foundation of St Catherine’s and St Cross for those without college affiliation.

“Parks College fails on both counts, its website paying lip service to “[embracing] internationalism and diversity” and the benefits of college life.”

“120 years ago, Ruskin College, Oxford, was founded to expand education access to adults with few or no qualifications. It embodies many of the qualities admired in the University’s own colleges. Parks College has none of them.

“The University offers nothing – a half-hearted college, cynically preying on outsiders’ unfamiliarity with Oxford – in return for self-aggrandisement and tuition fees. This proposal demeans the University and the Colleges. It must be reconsidered.”

Responding to the letter, Professor Lionel Tarassenko, Senior Responsible Owner for the Parks College Project, said: “Parks College addresses one of the key education priorities in the University’s Strategic Plan, which is to increase the intake of graduate students across all four divisions by up to 850 a year by 2023, while maintaining quality.

“It will enable the University to grow the number of graduate students, but without upsetting the balance between undergraduate and postgraduate student numbers in mixed colleges or imposing unrealistic targets for growth in the existing graduate colleges.

“The proposed new graduate college will actively promote interdisciplinary exchanges between researchers from across the four academic divisions. It will offer graduate students a rich and stimulating intellectual and social experience, on a par with that at the other graduate colleges.

“And, as with other graduate colleges at Oxford, it will have an outward-looking and inclusive ethos, which embraces internationalism and diversity. As with St Cross College when it was founded, the Fellows of the college will be University professors and researchers who do not currently have a college affiliation.

“Far from leading to a loss of library facilities, the Parks College project presents an exciting opportunity to redevelop the science library and its services to align more closely with the needs of scientists in the 21st century – students, researchers and other academics.

“The proposals for the new college have been discussed with graduate student representatives, the staff of the Radcliffe Science Library, and at meetings of numerous University committees, including the Curators of the University Libraries, Education Committee, Conference of Colleges Graduate Committee, Conference of Colleges, Finance Committee, Personnel Committee and Council. Throughout this consultation process, the plans have been gradually evolving to take on new ideas and to ensure that concerns raised are understood and addressed.

“The plans for the new college and the allocation of space were approved by Council on 11 March, and will now be put before Congregation in early Trinity term. The OUSU VP for Graduates is a member of the Programme Board which is responsible for the development of the plans.

“We are actively encouraging students to participate in the planning for the new college. We have been running Q&A events for students in partnership with OUSU, and we are inviting students to help shape the academic blueprint of the college at a series of focus groups, which will take place in late April and early May.”

In the motion for the JCR Committee to sign the letter, the Corpus JCR President Rhiannon Ogden-Jones was also mandated to discuss the issue with other JCR presidents and the Corpus MCR to seek their support. The motion was passed with 13 votes for and 2 against.

The University have been contacted for comment.

Lord Adonis: I “can’t wait” to debate Nigel Farage at the Oxford Union

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Cherwell can reveal that Nigel Farage is expected to speak at the Oxford Union on Thursday’s eighth week debate on Brexit.

The announcement of Farage’s appearance had not yet been made by the Oxford Union, but instead was pre-empted by Labour peer and People’s Vote supporter Andrew Adonis, who this morning tweeted: “I’m debating Nigel Farage at the Oxford Union on Friday. Can’t wait”. Given that Oxford Union debates are, under normal circumstances, held every Thursday of term, and that the Union’s term card places the Brexit debate on Thursday 7th March, it is not known whether the date announced by Lord Adonis is correct.

The specific motion that will be debated at the upcoming Brexit debate and which speakers would be attending has been kept a secret from the Union’s members throughout the term. The Oxford Union’s website has for weeks read “speakers to be announced”.

Cherwell has contacted representatives of Nigel Farage, Andrew Adonis, and the Oxford Union for comment.

It is not yet known which other speakers from the student body or elsewhere have been confirmed to speak at the event.

Along with the Union debate, Adonis also announced on Twitter he would be speaking at Leeds, Eddisbury, Oxford, Llanelli, Swansea, and Wrexham in the upcoming week.

The Oxford Union organised a now-famous debate on Britain’s membership of a European community in 1975, two days before the referendum which saw Britain’s voters consent to membership of the EEC. Speakers in proposition included Edward Heath and Jeremy Thorpe, while Barbara Castle and Peter Shaw spoke in opposition.

More on this story is expected to follow.

Controversy over Pride flag at Queen’s College

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There has been significant disagreement between staff at Queen’s College over the decision of the college to fly an LGBTQ+ rainbow flag in recognition of LGBTQ+ History Month, after the college Provost, Professor Paul Madden, opposed the move.

In a meeting on the 13th February, which was attended by representatives from the JCR and MCR and a number of college fellows, the Governing Body passed the unreserved motion to raise the flag for the remainder of the month with a vote of 18-3.

The vote came after the Provost had excused himself from debate on the matter.

However, Cherwell understands from sources present at the meeting that, following the vote, the Provost ruled against the majority, instructing that the flag not be raised for more than the originally planned one week.

No statement has yet been given to explain this decision.

Upon the Provost’s overruling of the vote, Cherwell understands that a fellow left the session in protest at the decision, not returning for the duration of the meeting.

A few days later, an email was sent to the JCR President and Vice President by the Dean, informing them of a change of college policy, stating that the flag would fly for the month as a whole.

When contacted for comment, the Provost did not offer any explanation of his decision. Both the Senior Tutor and Dean also declined to comment personally.

Speaking to Cherwell, a spokesperson for the college said: “As has been customary for a number of years, instruction was given by the Provost to fly the rainbow Flag in the first week of February.

“After it was taken down, the Provost received representations that, in view of the observation that it had become customary among the colleges for the flag to be flown throughout February, the College’s position seemed anomalous.

“He therefore reviewed the decision and gave the instruction that the flag should fly for the whole month and it was remounted on the morning of Thursday 14th February.”

The decision stands in the context of the fact that all other colleges on the high street have flown the rainbow flag for at least a week in February, with many flying it for the whole month.

The disagreement comes just a couple of weeks after Cherwell’s revelation that more than 100 serving Oxford clergy have signed a petition opposing a call by local bishops for “an attitude of inclusion and respect for LGBTQ+ people,” with staff from two Oxford colleges among the signatories.

Responding to the issue, Queen’s JCR President Ebrubaoghene Abel-Unokan said: “The original decision not to fly the LGBTQ+ flag for the entirety of LGBTQ+ history month was, in my opinion, an oversight by the College. It was an anachronism from the College’s past that does not reflect our varied and inclusive community of students and staff or acknowledge and value the contributions they make to the life of the College.

“It is a de facto tradition for the LGBTQ+ rep of our JCR to request that the College fly the flag for the entire month, and I’m incredibly pleased to see that this year Florence Darwen was successful in lobbying the College to change its policy.

“I’d also to thank the Senior Tutor, Nicholas Owen, and the Dean, Chris O’Callaghan for the roles they played in securing the change.

“The JCR has always championed progressive political beliefs, and I would like to think that this is but one step in the consolidation of those views into the College’s practices.

“I have little doubt that this will continue as Queen’s welcomes Dr Claire Craig CBE later this year, who will be the first woman in the College’s history to hold the position of Provost.”

Oxford University LGBTQ+ Society told Cherwell: “While we haven’t been contacted directly by Queen’s students regarding this issue, and are therefore uncertain about the nuances of this particular situation, we as a Society strongly encourage colleges to fly the LGBTQ+ Flag for the duration of pride month.

“It is an important symbol of tolerance and acceptance, which promotes the wellbeing of LGBTQ+ students.

“It is extremely disappointing when college officials do not understand the value of celebrating their LGBTQ+ students and sending a welcoming message to potential applicants.

“We run a campaign service to help students enact change in their colleges, and would strongly encourage Queen’s students to get in touch with us, with the aim of improving provisions for LGBTQ+ students by rectifying this issue.”

McGrath and ‘Together’ slate sweep Michaelmas 2019 Union election

Brendan McGrath will be Union President next Michaelmas after receiving 84 more first preferences than rival James Lamming.

Candidates on McGrath’s ‘Together’ slate also secured the positions of Librarian-Elect (Mahi Joshi), Treasurer-Elect (Shining Zhao), and Secretary (Amelia Harvey).

Three out of the four Standing Committee candidates nominated by the ‘Together’ slate also won election, compared to two of Lamming’s six candidates for the ‘Engage’ slate.

Two independents, Mo Iman and ex-Logistics Officer Nikhil Shah, complete the seven-member standing committee.

However, ‘Engage’ had some success in the election, as the most popular candidates in both the Standing Committee election (Spencer Cohen) and Secretary’s Committee election (Chengkai Xie) were from the slate.

Speaking to Cherwell about the result, James Lamming said: “Whilst this obviously was not the result the Engage team had hoped for, I can without any doubt say that Brendan will put together a fantastic term card, as one of the most diligent and dedicated members of Union committee I have ever worked with during my time at Oxford.

“I am immensely proud of the team myself and my officers put together.”

The election of Brendan McGrath as president of the Oxford Union comes after a turbulent term for the current Librarian, after members saw a motion for impeachment being filed against him, and his first candidate for Treasurer, Lee Chin Wee, being disqualified from running for the position.

McGrath declined to comment to Cherwell on the election result.

Those members elected will be expected to follow through with the pledges made in their manifestos. The ‘Together’ slate claimed that it would introduce member-speaker roundtable events, make the Union’s financial accounts transparent by publishing a fully audited account online, and implement a strict ‘zero tolerance’ policy on bullying. The ‘Engage’ slate’s pledges included a bar happy hour with pints costing £1, livestreaming events on the Oxford Union app, and holding more female-led debate events.

McGrath, Joshi and Zhao will serve their terms as officers in Michaelmas Term 2019, while Secretary-elect Amelia Harvey will assume her post next term in Trinity.

New data reveals suspension gender gap among postgrads

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New data shows that 8.7% of female postgraduates suspended their studies in 2016/17, one-third higher than the rate for men (6.5%). The gender discrepancy was mirrored in withdrawal rates, which were 1.37% for men compared to 1.64% for women.

The data, obtained from the University by Cherwell, reveals a consistent gender disparity in suspension and withdrawal rates over the previous 8 years.

Suspensions are when a single student pauses their study during a given year, with one student potentially accruing multiple suspension ‘counts’, in the rare event that they do so more than once.

Withdrawals are when a student completely withdraws from their programme of study. This does not include those that have been transferred to a different programme of study.

A spokesperson for the University told Cherwell: “These numbers are relatively low so we should be careful about drawing conclusions from them without understanding the context. We offer high levels of academic and pastoral support to our graduate students through their departments, colleges and central University services.

“There are many reasons why a student’s status might be suspended, including health, maternity or paternity, personal circumstances, academic difficulties and disciplinary matters. Suspension is often a voluntary decision by a student, and in most cases students return from periods of suspension to successfully complete their course.”

A History Masters student at St Catherine’s, Hannah Grange-Sales, told Cherwell: “Women are conditioned to believe they are less intelligent than men, therefore there is both a real and imagined need to work harder to be considered men’s intellectual equals.

“Girls and women are also taught from an early age to internalise ‘unbecoming’ emotions, such as anger, frustration and hopelessness.

“Considering the historic argument against women’s right to education that they do not hold the mental rigour to undertake study, there is a double pressure to overcome this stigma and maintain a facade of capability when, for a variety of personal reasons not linked to their intellect, this may not be the case.

“The increased pressure for women to prove themselves intellectually coupled with the internalisation of emotion can surely be considered a factor in the higher rate of mental health issues amongst female students.”

The overall suspension rate for all postgraduate students has also increased year on year from 2013/14 to 2016/17 from 5.98% to 7.93%, although there was a slight decrease last year to 7.5%.

The withdrawal rate has remained consistent at about 1.5%, peaking in 2013/14 at 1.82%.

There was also a marked contrast between those on research and taught postgraduate degrees, with the former having consistently higher levels of suspension and withdrawal. In 2016/17 just under 10% of research graduates suspended their studies compared to 6% of taught graduates. This figure decreased slightly to 9% last year.

Cherwell understands that the disparity in the figures could be due to the length of postgraduate research degree, which are typically three years. Taught degrees can be as short as 9 months, meaning that there is less opportunity for students to suspend or withdraw from their studies. Just under 52% of enrolments in 2017/18 were in taught degrees.

Oxford SU VP for Graduates, Alison D’Ambrosia told Cherwell: “It is a ticking time bomb the issue of graduate student welfare. With a huge increase in graduate numbers over the past several years, we have seen minimal investment in their welfare provision and support.

“From a counselling service that is only open during term time to students been pushed from college to department to seek help, more needs to be done to properly support the graduate student body. It seems that the first call of action is for students to suspend rather than tackle the causes of suspension and offer proper support for students.”

According to the SU’s recently published counselling report, postgraduate students were proportionally less likely to seek help than undergraduates, with 10.8% of postgraduate researchers and 9.2% of taught students receiving counselling to 12.3% of undergraduates.

The report added that the lower take up of provision could be due to cultural differences. In 2016/17, 64% of graduates were non-UK students.

University offers no deal Brexit advice for EU students

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The University has released advice for EU staff and students in preparation for a no deal Brexit.

The new website explains that the University is now “making preparations” for the possibility that Britain leaves the EU without a deal, which will go ahead if no withdrawal agreement is in place by March 29th.

A no deal Brexit would be likely to include EU citizens entering the UK being treated as third country nationals, no longer subject to EEA immigration rules and requirements. This would mean EU students would pay higher tuition fees than they do now and may need new visas to conform with new immigration laws.

Research staff may lose the opportuning to access EU research funding, which totalled £78 million in the academic year 2017/18. The University may also lose the opportunity to participate in pan-European collaborations.

Given the growing uncertainty, the University is now advising EU students to ensure they have all relevant paperwork up to date.

The University stresses that EU citizens will still be able to apply to study at Oxford, and that “all Oxford University staff from the EU will have the same right to work in the UK whether a withdrawal deal is agreed or not.”

A spokesperson for the University said to Cherwell: “Given the ongoing uncertainty about the implications of the UK leaving the EU, the University is working hard to understand and manage the impact on our staff and students.

“Dedicated web pages with the latest information about the implications of Brexit have been set up for staff and students and these will be updated regularly. The pages consider all possible outcomes of the current negotiations, including the possibility of the UK leaving without a deal.

‘Whatever the outcome of current negotiations, the University of Oxford is, and intends to remain, a thriving, cosmopolitan community of scholars and students united in our commitment to education and research.

“The departure from the EU will not change this; our staff and students from all across the world are as warmly welcome as ever.”

The Students’ Union reaffirmed the need for advice, stating: “Students need guidance as soon as possible. If a no deal Brexit does happen, students want the University to quickly provide information about the impact it’s going to have on them.

“Graduate students from the EU could face serious disruption, particularly those studying for 1-year masters programmes. There are major issues outstanding, especially around the future of the Erasmus programme and future prospects for research students. The only way to avoid this mess is a People’s Vote with the option to remain.”

With just over six weeks left until the Brexit deadline, the University will continue to update their page with more information as it is available, and individual colleges may be providing specific information directly to students before the end of Hilary Term.

For more information, or to keep up to date on the University’s advice, visit the University’s Brexit advice page for students and for staff.

Union Librarian Brendan McGrath avoids impeachment

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Brendan McGrath, against whom a motion for impeachment was filed on Thursday 7th, has won his vote not to be impeached by 400 votes to 189.

A notice has been pinned on the Oxford Union noticeboard that reads “The Librarian remains in office. The Motion of Impeachment is unsuccessful”.

The 68% vote in favour of McGrath comes after the 12 hours of deliberation that an impeachment motion in the Oxford Union entails. On the day of the vote supporters and allies of McGrath mobilised a “Vote No” campaign on Facebook, posting social statuses that presented McGrath’s potential impeachment as symptomatic of ‘toxic politics’.

More on this story is expected to follow.

Fixed-term contracts disproportionately held by women and minority groups

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A greater proportion of women and those from BME backgrounds hold fixed-term contracts at the University.

In 2018, the proportion of women in fixed-term contracts was consistently higher across the academic divisions, with the sharpest disparities in the Social Sciences where 56% of women were in fixed-term contracts compared with just 45% of men.

In the Medical Sciences Division, 85% of those from BME backgrounds were found to hold fixed-term contracts in 2018 in comparison to just 68% of those who identify as white.

For Social Sciences the respective figures were 66% to 45%, and in the Maths, Physical, and Life Sciences, the figures were 74% to 43%.

Overall, the proportion of all those of fixed-term contracts has increased significantly from 2008 across all divisions apart from Medical, with the Humanities Division seeing the biggest increase in the use of fixed-term contracts, from 23% to 32%.

In 2018, just under 50% of staff from the Maths, Physical, and Life Sciences, Social Sciences, Medical, and Humanities divisions, were on fixed-term contracts.

The University’s policy on ending fixed-term contracts requires dismissal to be “fair and transparent.”

Employees are informed three months before the end of their contract is “at risk”. When it is not possible to extend or renew the contract, an employee will be informed of the fact a month before its termination.

A University spokesman told Cherwell: “Oxford is the UK’s most successful University in attracting external funding to support our world-leading research. The funding packages support jobs for researchers at every career stage, including fixed-term posts. The larger number of fixed-term contracts results from this increased funding success, opening more opportunities for the next generations of world-class researchers. We have had particular success in attracting talented women to progress their careers with us, including those areas of the sciences where they have been traditionally under-represented.

“We do recognise that fixed-term work can create uncertainties and practical difficulties. We make extensive efforts to support staff on these contracts, including through personal and career development opportunities.

“All staff at Oxford, whether on permanent, open-ended or fixed-term contracts, benefit from our generous employment packages and support for future development. We are also working hard on moving staff onto open-ended and permanent contracts wherever possible. A growing proportion of these contracts are held by women, while the proportion of all staff on open-ended contracts in the sciences is now growing faster than those in fixed-term posts.”

The University’s policy is to ensure departments are “keeping contracts under active review and transferring staff to permanent or open-ended contracts wherever funding permits.”

The proportion of staff working on open-ended contracts in the sciences is now growing faster than those on fixed-term contracts. For example, in 2008, 75% of staff in Medical Sciences were on fixed-term contracts and 4% on open-ended contracts; By 2018, fixed-term contracts had fallen to 72% and open-ended contracts risen to 8%.

The proportions of women in permanent and open-ended positions has increased in some sectors. In Medical Sciences in 2008, 45% of permanent contracts and 53% of open-ended contracts were held by women. By 2018, women held 52% of permanent and 57% of open-ended contracts.

However, in a 2016 report the UCU also included open-ended contracts within their definition of insecure contracts, because their “employment is dependent on short-term funding.”

Their report read: “Employers like to emphasise the degree of choice and agency available to workers on casual or as they like to call them ‘flexible’ contracts, but it is obvious that your enjoyment of choice and flexibility will be shaped by which category you are in.

“It’s simply impossible to imagine that a workforce of this magnitude is comprised entirely, or even largely of the people who conform to the employers’ caricature of the jobbing professional who relishes the flexibility.”

Oxford UCU representative Patricia Thornton told Cherwell: ”Regardless of whether the University wishes to accept the UCU’s calculation of the HESA data on precarious contracts or not, it’s clear that in many divisions, the numbers of staff on casualised contracts have been rising.

“It’s important to note here that “open-ended externally funded contract” staff, whilst sometimes not counted as casualised, effectively face the same level insecurity: their employment is terminated if and when the external source of the funding is withdrawn. The key difference here is that, whereas a fixed-term contract employee is given an end date at the point of hire, the staff member on an open-ended externally funded contract is not; which is arguably even less secure for the member of staff, whose employment can come to an end suddenly and without sufficient warning if the funding is withdrawn.”

Just under 5% of staff in the Medical, Maths, Physical and Life Sciences, Social Sciences, and Humanities cumulatively are in open-ended or externally funded contracts in 2018. The figure was just 2.3% in 2008.  

Thornton continued: “Casualised contracts not only create a two-tier workforce within the university, with casualised members of staff effectively carrying out many, if not all, of the same duties as their permanent counterparts on a day-to-day basis, paid lower salaries and afforded a greatly reduced level of protection (and fewer benefits), but they also magnify pre-existing inequalities within the workforce, like the gender pay gap and the persistent underpayment of minority ethnic staff.

“There is a significantly higher proportions of women than men in fixed-term contracts across the divisions, and, disappointingly, that proportion has actually increased marginally since 2008 in the Social Science and MPLS Divisions, and increased significantly in the Humanities Division.

“Equally disturbing is that, despite Oxford UCU’s persistently raising this issue with the administration, and despite various commitments that have been verbalised across the university, the percentages of staff on fixed term term contracts have instead risen since 2008.”

One representative of the ‘Academic Precariat’ group, pointed out that these figures fail to account for those that have already left the sector due to casualisation.

They told Cherwell: “There are plenty of us around, but very little data or interest in us. I left the sector for a range of reasons, but most of them related directly to insecure employment and its consequences: a two-tier system in which casual teaching and research staff undertake work that mainly just enables senior academics to bring in big money projects, lack of respect for intellectual ownership of teaching/research materials produced on these contracts, feeling and being utterly disposable, lack of investment and interest in supporting career progression (why should they, when to offer us more secure employment would be to remove the props fora system which values REF and big grant money above all else?).

“Another big factor in my decision to leave after my short-term postdoc was the minimal prospect of ever being able to secure a contract long enough to actually qualify for maternity pay in the near future.”

Who Owns Net Zero? Climate Action in a Collegiate University

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Oxford University’s sustainability ambitions are increasingly visible. At the central level, strategic commitments articulate ambitious targets, governance mechanisms, and investment frameworks. In built form, newly completed University buildings such as the Schwarzman Centre for the Humanities and the Life and Mind Building are presented as low-carbon exemplars of Passivhaus design and biodiversity integration. Yet these institutional ambitions coexist with a plural collegiate system in which individual colleges retain autonomy over their estates, governance, and environmental policy. The resulting architecture of sustainability across Oxford is not a unified programme, but a patchwork of strategies, practices, and priorities. This raises a fundamental question: in an era defined by climate urgency, can a decentralised collegiate system deliver coherent environmental outcomes across an institution of global standing?

The University’s Central Strategy

In March 2021, Oxford University’s Council approved the Environmental Sustainability Strategy, which sets two core institutional targets: net zero carbon emissions and biodiversity net gain by 2035. The strategy’s scope extends well beyond estate engineering, encompassing research, teaching, resources, and investment. The Environmental Sustainability Subcommittee, a formal governance body, is tasked with integrating sustainability into institutional decision-making, and the University has established long-term financing through a major Sustainability Fund intended to support decarbonisation and systemic change.

These commitments are embodied in flagship capital projects. The Schwarzman Centre has been certified as Europe’s largest Passivhaus building and is presented as an exemplar of low-energy performance through high-performance insulation, controlled ventilation, and integrated renewable systems. Similar principles inform the Life and Mind Building, whose design documentation emphasises reduced energy demand and enhanced thermal efficiency relative to typical higher education construction. In central estates planning, then, environmental performance is not an afterthought but a design parameter.

At the same time, the University’s central carbon planning recognises that buildings are only part of the story. In its carbon management plans, it lays out detailed goals for electrifying heating and reducing residual emissions. These technical frameworks signal a level of corporate coherence and ambition that, in principle, could extend across the University’s broader estate.

Collegiate Autonomy and Varied Implementation

Oxford’s colleges, however, are not centrally managed. Each college is an autonomous charitable corporation responsible for its own buildings, finances, and internal governance. This autonomy extends to environmental policy: colleges may choose whether to adopt central targets, publish emissions data, or allocate governance resources toward sustained environmental planning.

Some colleges have developed structured approaches that align closely with the University’s strategic targets. Merton College has publicly adopted carbon net zero and biodiversity net gain by 2035, integrating those targets into its institutional framework. St Edmund Hall, too, has published multi-year sustainability objectives and governance arrangements intended to monitor and improve its environmental performance with a goal of being as close to carbon neutral by 2030. Other colleges have instituted sustainability working groups, educational events, and operational measures without formal targets or transparent reporting. Many other colleges, such as Christ Church, Corpus Christi, and Exeter however, have net zero targets after the University’s goal of 2035 or have failed to release targets at all. 

The Oxford Student Union’s sustainability demands, first articulated in 2022, set three expectations for colleges: adoption of net zero targets at least as stringent as the University’s, publication of an actionable strategy with annual emissions reporting, and formal governance structures with student involvement. The SU released a traffic light assessment grounded in these demands, which showed significant variation across the collegiate landscape, with only a minority of colleges meeting all three demands, and many showing minimal progress on any of them. This divide is supported by work done by the Climate League of Oxford and Cambridge (CLOC), which has published a ranking of Oxford colleges on their sustainability efforts. CLOC found that in 2023, only five colleges (St Antony’s, Kellogg, St John’s, Trinity, and St Hilda’s) received passing marks on their metric, while two colleges (Oriel and St. Hughes) received scores of zero. The resulting institutional patchwork contrasts starkly with the central University’s unified strategy.

Is this a problem of institutional design?

The institutional dynamics at Oxford reflect a core public policy dilemma: how to manage collective action in a decentralised system. The University’s central strategy provides a coherent blueprint and sets ambitious targets, yet lacks mechanisms to ensure uniform adoption across autonomous units. Colleges, meanwhile, face differentiated constraints, whether that’s heritage, finance, governance turnover, student politics, or institutional blockages that shape their capacity to act.

This can be conceptualised as a principal–agent problem. The central University (the principal) sets goals and governance structures, but colleges (the agents) exercise discretion in how they interpret, implement, or even ignore those goals. Without aligned incentives, binding standards, or transparent accountability systems, variability in environmental performance is predictable.

The absence of formal enforcement mechanisms – such as linked funding conditional on environmental reporting or central planning approval requirements for college estates – means that sustainability alignment across Oxford relies on voluntary coordination, peer networks, and institutional norms. While these can generate pockets of excellence, they also produce uneven outcomes that complicate claims of cohesive institutional progress.

Variation in the capacity of colleges 

Collegiate variation is perhaps most evident when viewed through the lens of student governance. At Oriel College, the JCR Environmental Officer occupies a role that is simultaneously advisory and promotional, yet constrained by both student preferences and administrative caution.According to Libby Rees, the Oriel JCR Environmental Officer, there is genuine high-level interest in sustainability within the college’s senior team, including the Provost. At the same time, proposals for visible interventions, like green walls or rooftop solar panels, have been subject to prolonged internal debate. Funding sources, precedent, and reputational risk all shape the calculus of institutional decision-making. In one illustrative case, concerns about alumni perceptions influenced proposed sustainability investments, highlighting the complex interaction between donor relations and environmental planning. Specifically, Rees discussed how donors may have been less willing to support environmental planning while Oriel is celebrating its 700 year anniversary in 2026. While only one case, it highlights issues concerning the framing and timing of sustainability issues at colleges. 

On routine matters such as recycling and composting, operational and organisational constraints matter. While there is glass recycling in the kitchens, the logistical implications for scouts and the local council’s contamination policies limit what can realistically be rolled out. As Libby explained: “The [Oxford City] council apparently doesn’t like when recycling isn’t clean, so they’ll throw away recycling if there’s [leftover] milk in the bottle or other contamination”. She continued: “Some scouts have the time where they’re environmentally conscious and they want to think about that and clean up the recycling, yet some of them don’t have the time”. These micro-operational frictions point to a broader institutional reality: sustainability interventions are negotiated within a lattice of labour practices, regulatory frameworks, and organisational norms.

Student-level governance similarly introduces variability. The JCR at Oriel has in the past rejected proposals such as vegetarian nights, not for ideological reasons per se, but as expressions of aggregate student preference. This means that environmental officers must navigate shifting student opinion, use informal polling, and manage expectations within a short tenure of often just nine months. The result is that even straightforward initiatives can become entangled in processes of negotiation, temporal impermanence, and institutional inertia.

Rees also identifies coordination deficits across student bodies. While JCR presidents meet regularly, there appears to be no structured forum for environmental officers to exchange strategies, share best practices, or build cross-college momentum. A predecessor reportedly mentioned the existence of such a forum, yet today it is no longer visible. This absence mirrorsthe broader governance pattern: without formalised mechanisms for intercollegiate environmental coordination, progress remains segmented and contingent.

Wadham College presents a contrast, in which sustainability is more deeply embedded within institutional planning. According to its sustainability strategy, its estate spans seventeenth‑century listed buildings, twentieth‑century additions, and contemporary facilities, producing complex and uneven thermal performance. Rather than relying solely on major retrofit projects, the college has invested in detailed analysis of room‑level energy behaviour to inform prioritisation and sequencing of interventions.

Heritage constraints – often cited across Oxford as barriers to change – have instead shaped the form of intervention. As Frances Lloyd, Director of Sustainability at Wadham College, explains: “where there is a need to improve the thermal performance of our listed buildings and the works require listed building consent (LBC), we work closely with a heritage-skilled professional team and adopt a staged process involving early discussions with Conservation Officers before formally submitting for LBC”. An example is a reroofing project in one of the College’s oldest quads, where reclaimed stone slates were paired with hemp insulation and secondary glazing. Such interventions illustrate how environmental improvement and preservation can be negotiated rather than treated as mutually exclusive.

Governance structures further differentiate Wadham’s approach. Sustainability is integrated into the college’s medium‑term strategic planning and aligned with the University’s 2035 targets, while participation in sector‑wide networks enables the exchange of technical knowledge and operational practice. Targeted interventions – including boiler optimisation, thermal upgrades, renewable energy generation, LED replacement, and occupancy‑sensing energy management –have produced measurable reductions in energy use in recent years.

Yet even at Wadham, institutional actors are conscious that the largest component of the college’s environmental footprint lies in Scope 3 emissions: supply chains, travel, and other indirect sources. Frances explains that while water and waste CO2 have been calculated and reduction targets set, the complexity of measuring embedded emissions in procurement and travel remains a persistent challenge for both planning and governance. 

Though Wadham appears to excel in sustainability, its trajectory may reflect favourable institutional conditions rather than a universally replicable model. Financial capacity, governance continuity, and sustained strategic commitment shape the feasibility of such interventions. Within a collegiate system marked by uneven endowments and administrative priorities, the transferability of this approach remains uncertain. Wadham therefore illustrates not the resolution of Oxford’s coordination problem, but its asymmetry: meaningful progress is achievable where capacity, stability, and prioritisation align, yet such alignment cannot be centrally assumed.

Limits of Structural Critique

Institutional analysis alone does not capture the full landscape of sustainability activity. Even in the absence of formal net zero targets or divestment commitments, most colleges participate in some form of environmental engagement. Initiatives such as Green Impact awards, Fairtrade campaigns, and awareness programmes are often dismissed as symbolic. However, symbolic action can shape behaviour and social norms in ways that aggregate beyond institutional boundaries.

Engagement programmes aimed at influencing consumption, travel, and daily practice correspond to a significant share of national emissions tied to household and consumer activity. Cultural change within collegiate communities may therefore constitute a meaningful – if indirect – dimension of environmental governance. While such measures cannot substitute for structural decarbonisation, neither are they negligible within a broader ecology of climate action.Reconciling Collegiate Autonomy and Collective Responsibility

Oxford’s sustainability architecture combines a strong central strategy with a highly decentralised collegiate system. This institutional arrangement has produced both notable progress and pronounced variation. Central governance frameworks articulate clear long-term targets and provide financial and technical resources. Colleges, in turn, pursue sustainability through a combination of strategic planning, operational optimisation, student-led initiatives, and informal networks of collaboration.

The question facing the University is not whether it should abandon autonomy or central ambition, but how the two can be reconciled more effectively. Formalised mechanisms for intercollegiate coordination, transparent reporting standards, and aligned incentives could reduce fragmentation without eroding collegiate discretion. At the level of student governance, durable forums for cross-college exchange and capacity building could strengthen institutional memory and sustain progress across leadership turnovers.

Ultimately, the University’s challenge mirrors a broader organisational question in contemporary climate governance: how can complex institutions with distributed authority systems manage collective responsibilities that demand coherence and scale? The answer will shape not only Oxford’s environmental performance, but its institutional credibility as an epicentre of research, education, and global engagement in a climate-constrained world.

The (family) stories hiding in plain sight

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Like many people, I used to zone out a bit when my parents started talking about family history. Being the youngest child – by quite a large gap, since there are eight years between me and my older brother – a lot of the memories which seemed to belong to the “family” as a collective happened before I was born. I would sit through conversations about “great grannies” and stare at grainy photographs of unknown people in unknown gardens, trying to piece together a sense of the past, a past which wasn’t actually that distant – we’re only talking three generations back – but one which felt like a foreign land all the same. As we delved further into the past, these figures became even more hazy. 

My parents would consult the grandparents, oracular-style, on whether certain cousins were once or twice removed, on what so-and-so did during the war, and so the puzzle became increasingly difficult to muddle through. All the while, I wondered about the true relevance of any of it. None of my ancestors were noble, or appeared all that interesting. It was highly unlikely that, like Josh Widdecombe on Who Do You Think You Are, we’d accidentally discover we were connected to a figure of royalty, making the seemingly endless sifting through old parish records and censuses worth it. 

Unsurprisingly, this was quite short-sighted of me,especially since I’ve always been interested in history. Admittedly, it was the kind that happened thousands of years ago, often involving gripping tales of aristocratic betrayal, missing tombs, and undeciphered languages – I wasn’t the only one to be taken in by that big shiny golden book about ancient Egypt in primary school. For such a long time, I was excited by the history that seemed to rewrite the rules of the world I was familiar with, one where ritual practice and superstition often dominated, of generals leading battle charges with plumed helmets and naval battles staged in amphitheatres. All those unsolved areas of history also seemed to beckon to me, promising a treasure trove of untold secrets and scandals around every corner. 

I haven’t stopped being interested in these things in the least. But something changed when I started thinking about what I wanted to study at university, and which areas of Classics appealed to me in particular. Studying ancient Epic poetry at A-Level – specifically the Iliad and the Aeneid – had awoken me to a world, not only of mythological cities and their destruction, of sea-monsters, witches and oracles, but one in which the stories of regular people were just as poignant. 

I’ll always distinctly remember coming across a particular passage in the Iliad: in a scene which comes about as close as the ancients can get to a high-speed car chase, Achilles chases Hector around the city walls of Troy, intent on single-hand combat to the death, in revenge for killing his beloved Patroclus. It’s an extremely tense episode, with everything seemingly hanging in the balance. Yet, suddenly the narrator stops. He describes the two springs that feed the Scamander river, and the stone washing-troughs which the Trojan women used to clean their clothes in times of peace.

My teacher was keen for us to focus on this particular vignette, and I came to understand that it was the heart-wrenching sense of the microcosm within the macro that was so powerful. The idea that, beyond a war which had ravaged a city and its communities for ten years, there was still the memory of people as they are everyday. Although fictional, I imagined those women talking amongst themselves, exchanging niceties whilst they scrubbed their robes. I’m sure there are plenty of Greek students who could make much more of this passage, and what is being done with the language, but for seventeen-year-old me, this changed everything. 

The thing is, the stories that have the power to fascinate us the most are often the ones hiding in plain sight. I soon realised that, actually, it was the human aspect of literae humaniores (the fancy Latin name for ‘Classics’) which drew me in and, in a much more wholesome, sustaining way than battles or mythological creatures, kept me entertained. The humanity in history is one of the main (and many) reasons why I love my subject. 

Incidentally, it was around this time that my grandma’s memory started to decline, in a fairly rapid and alarming way. She had always been so diligent in researching the family history on my dad’s side, compiling complex maps of family trees and storing away letters and photographs of people she had never met. I didn’t appreciate it fully when I was younger, how this is a task which requires an incredible amount of patience and willpower (particularly when you have an eight-year-old screeching, for the umpteenth time, “but who was Grandpa Norman?” in the background). Now, when I’m sifting through reading after reading – most recently, trying to make sense of the web of mythological characters in the Metamorphoses, and how they relate to one another – I sometimes think of her, and her eagerness to pursue the past. 

On a recent visit to their house, I was shown a photograph I’d never seen before. Extremely faded, it showed a group of seven people in a garden: two men, three women, and two younger girls seated at their feet. On the back, written in an elegant, watermark-flecked script, were their names, all with the last name “Gascoyne”. Descendants of French Huguenots who had come to England fleeing persecution – specifically, to places like Spitalfields and Soho – the group, although somewhat uppity-seeming in their Edwardian clothing, were rather unassuming. Without the context of the lives they led – the two men were silk-weavers, I’m told, and had inherited their trade from their forefathers – it would be just another old photograph, just another list of unfamiliar names. But the stories which my grandma so carefully collated – even if she can’t remember them herself now, or even who we are – make these remnants of family history so special, even if, to the outsider, the photo is just another artefact. 

UKIP leader Nick Tenconi stages Cornmarket Street border control debate

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Nick Tenconi, leader of the UK Independence Party (UKIP) and Chief Operating Officer of Turning Point UK, visited Oxford today to take part in a public street debate on Cornmarket Street titled ‘Britain needs border control. Prove me wrong’.

The event, organised by Turning Point UK’s Oxford branch, drew a crowd of students, shoppers, and passersby in the city centre. 

Tenconi, who has led UKIP since February last year, framed the visit as part of a broader campus strategy. Tenconi told Cherwell: “Turning Point UK will go to any city where there is suspected Marxist far-left indoctrination aimed at our university students, and will be there to provide them with a conservative outlet, debate platform, and support network by setting up Turning Point UK chapters to challenge Marxist indoctrination on our campuses.”

He described the debate as “absolutely fantastic” and thanked Oxford students for engaging. “It’s all about debate. It’s all about challenging the narrative”, he said. 

Turning Point UK is an offshoot of Turning Point USA, an organisation founded by right-wing activists Charlie Kirk and Bill Montgomery in 2012 which aims to promote right-wing politics in schools and universities. The format of the event in Oxford today invited members of the public to step forward and argue against Tenconi’s position that Britain needs stronger border control. 

One woman who did so was critical of the set-up of the event. She told Cherwell: “It was mostly just a personal attack and then he’d criticise me for doing some sort of bad behaviour and debate and then do it himself.” She went on to say that “this isn’t proper debate”, arguing that the event was being held to create clips for social media that would only display “the best bits to show how great he is”, and that there would be “no actual depiction of debate”. She stated that she had not heard of Tenconi before the event.

During his exchanges with members of the public, Tenconi criticised what he characterised as “open borders” sentiment in British politics, calling it “crazy” and arguing that the political mainstream had failed to respond to public concerns about migration. He claimed that undocumented immigrants “threaten” women’s safety and framed stricter border controls as essential to protecting the public. 

Tenconi further claimed that there had been two disruptions during the event. He described those involved as “far-left militias who dress in black bloc” and said police had arrived of their own accord.

When asked by Cherwell whether such disruptions were common, Tenconi replied: “Yes, yes, yes.” He added that counter-protesters often attempt to mobilise against his appearances. He characterised critics as “indoctrinated” and argued that illegal immigration amounted to “cultural suicide”, while also describing what he saw as a broader ideological shift towards what he called an “anti-masculine” and “anti-logical position”. 

UKIP faced scrutiny last month following an attempt to rebrand the party with a new emblem that critics said bore a resemblance to the Iron Cross, a symbol associated with the German military and later the Nazi regime. The party denied this, saying the symbol was intended to reflect Christian heritage. The symbol remains in use by the party.

Reporting by: Oskar Doepke, Mercedes Haas, Archie Johnston, and Ned Remington.

Course culling is a threat to us all

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I almost did a degree in Music. I’ve been involved in music-making for as long as I can recall, drawn to its capacity to create beauty from complexity. Ultimately, I chose History for a similar reason: the satisfaction of drawing interpretation from abstract overlapping narratives. If I’d applied to Oxford Brookes, or the Universities of Kent, Wolverhampton, or Nottingham, however, studying Music wouldn’t have even been an option. 

All of these institutions have closed their Music courses in the last few years. This comes alongside course culls and staff redundancies in the arts, humanities, and languages across the country. It reflects a worrying trend in government policy and public discourse, targeting ‘Mickey Mouse’ degrees but ignoring their economic, social, and intellectual impact. These decisions are an injustice to the intrinsic value of education, across all disciplines, and risk tarnishing Britain’s reputation for academic and cultural excellence. 

Nottingham’s suspension of all Music and Modern Languages courses is the poster child for this trend. But it is not alone – Kingston University, for example, scrapped English, Philosophy, and International Relations last year. Financial uncertainty has driven these decisions, with universities facing deficits as high as £60 million after years of government cuts. This leaves them reliant on student and alumni funding, forcing the prioritisation of economic, rather than intrinsic, value. 

Economic value is often equated with the ‘usefulness’ of certain degrees, a term that has become synonymous with successive governments’ denigration of the arts and humanities. This rhetoric reduces a subject’s utility to its earning potential, which is seriously flawed. The difference between humanities and STEM graduates is marginal – the British Academy found that STEM graduates only earned £6,000 more annually after ten years of employment. A 2023 report found that eight of the ten fastest-growing sectors in the UK employ more humanities graduates than any other discipline, demonstrating the value of the transferable skills that humanities degrees develop.

Fixating on ‘usefulness’ also ignores the cultural and economic value of arts education. It sustains a vibrant set of creative industries, which contribute £59.4 billion to the economy each year. Britain’s cultural exports – The Beatles, Harry Potter, and James Bond, to name a few, are “disproportionately large for a country of relatively small size,” according to Arts Council England CEO Darren Henley. Ironically, a government calling for the prioritisation of “useful degrees” has frequently waxed lyrical about the importance of British film, music, and literature. 

Beyond this, both arts and humanities are central to shaping individuals. Many of us don’t know who we’d be today without the musical instrument we played, or the performing group we joined as a child. There is a freedom of expression and breadth of knowledge within them that produces the leaders, thinkers, and creatives of the world. To limit access to education in these areas is to close the door on the successors to these luminaries. Last year, the University of the West of England’s drama department was forced to close the undergraduate programme that produced Olivia Colman and Patrick Stewart. 

The arts and humanities are not the only victims of these course culls. Recently, Brookes closed its Mathematics department, and Bournemouth and Reading no longer offer Engineering, despite such courses seemingly coming under the government’s definition of “priority courses that support Labour’s industrial strategy… to renew Britain”. If subjects framed as economically ‘valuable’ are also being cut, it is not the worth of individual subjects that is causing this crisis. Instead, it is a system that forces universities to operate for profit rather than prioritising what people used to call learning for learning’s sake.

There is a serious risk of long-term inequality. If universities continue to be pushed into course culling, education experts fear a ‘postcode lottery’ will come to limit access to a full range of university degrees by location. Students in educational ‘cold spots,’ and those to whom higher education is less affordable, are already disadvantaged amidst the cost-of-living crisis, according to the BBC.

It is becoming impossible for ever-growing numbers of students to live away from home, pricing students out of course choices. Cuts and enforced ‘specialisation’ at newer, less well-funded universities risk entrenching both this and the problem of educational elitism. In ten years time, it could be only Oxbridge and its wealthiest Russell Group contemporaries offering a full range of subjects – there are only 24 of these, and they are not renowned for their affordability. 

Course culling is “unconscionable vandalism” of British university education. Such vandalism is not accidental, but the product of a marketised system that treats universities as businesses and ignores education’s inherent value. Unchecked, the combination of funding cuts and ‘usefulness’ rhetoric will harm students beyond the arts and humanities. In the long term, it will strangle Britain’s cultural and intellectual life, reduce the employability of graduates, and entrench educational inequality. 

Amidst the rise of artificial intelligence and the attacks on student protest movements across the Atlantic, human creativity and critical thinking are more vital than ever. The trend of culling the courses that foster these skills is therefore a threat to us all. We must defend the benefits of arts and humanities education, support the students and teachers taking action to resist cuts, and pressure the government to solve, not encourage, this crisis. 

A body of one’s own: Medical mystery in the modern age

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Recently, I found myself marooned in that most demoralising of places, the NHS waiting list. I was soon falling down the rabbit hole of catastrophisation, after succumbing to the inevitable temptation of googling my symptoms (it wasn’t looking good). This isn’t a unique experience: I have been misled by the internet more times than I’d be willing to admit, whether by WebMD, bloggers, or even influencers. 

Our level of access to medical knowledge is unprecedented, and yet we have such little confidence in what to do with it. Magazines, TV shows, and social media are flooded with medical factoids, tips and tricks to cure this or improve that, all, of course, backed by the indisputable authority of unnamed ‘experts’. In an age of information surplus, when our medical resources are at their most developed, we have been plunged into yet more ignorance, and, as a result, have become paradoxically estranged from our own anatomy. Despite the abundance of resources, control feels ever more out of reach. This inundation of medical information is, in part, a hangover from the COVID pandemic, a period where individual health turned into public data, and our bodies were regarded as political property. It’s convenient to flatten the contours of collective suffering into clarity, so we accepted absolutes and read medical statistics like weather reports. In the search for transparency, we have come to treat our own bodies like detached entities, something to observe, find fault with, and upgrade accordingly. 

Social media has, in turn, inaugurated an age of obsessive self-monitoring. It is no longer enough to feel healthy: What about your amino acid levels? Have you tried biohacking, nootropics, proteinmaxxing? Yet the algorithm privileges narrative value over factual accuracy: private experiences are marketed as universal truths, bolstered by the unshakeable testimony of personal opinion. Everything is sensationalised, then distilled into a digestible, purchasable pill, a spoonful of sugar to help the misinformation go down. This is only exacerbated by pop culture. Shows like Grey’s Anatomy have, for years, conditioned us to expect narrative clarity from medical issues; mysteries are solved within the run-time of an episode, obfuscating the complexity of the human body. In the digital age, the very definition of health has become subject to internal tensions, both public spectacle and private mystery. 

Social media turns advice into prescription, information into imperatives, in a new catechism of wellness. Follow my ten-step cleansing programme, my intermittent fasting schedule, my physiotherapy routine, so you too can win at the game of health. Everything is relentlessly categorised as ‘clean’ or ‘toxic’, and ruthlessly moralised as ‘good’ or ‘bad’, transforming the indeterminate into commandments of lifestyle. This facade of moral certainty is fundamentally a marketing tool, a projected ideal of absolute truth that can only be achieved through consumption. We are composed not of any kind of corporeal reality, but of disparate parts imported from a facile Pinterest fantasy that smothers over the texture of life. In this environment, sanitising yourself becomes a sort of aesthetic project. 

Women’s health, in particular, has long been a site of epistemic confusion. The murkiness surrounding female reproduction that continues to colour public perception and even legislative policies is just another iteration of that perennial discomfort around the female body: the gendered nucleus of hysteria, the site of the ‘wandering womb’. Transparency around female anatomy still feels unachievable, when public discourse is couched in the language of avoidance. If ignorance is the default, we lose any metric to assess the truth value of any given claim: perhaps the pill will make me infertile, like that one woman on Instagram insisted, or maybe wearing a bra will give me breast cancer. 

In this context, everything, from cellulite to menopause, is continuously pathologised, and even demonised. Women’s health, lacking clear definition, is a taboo discussion, so that medical complaints are diminished and disregarded by those who represent themselves as authorities. This, of course, manifests itself most perniciously when it comes to reproductive rights, rooted in a kind of epistemic battle over who gets to dictate anatomical functions. Medical professionals, influencers, and politicians alike take it upon themselves to interpret, and regulate, women’s self-knowledge. The consultant who told me, at 13, to “stop this attention-seeking nonsense”; the ex-boyfriend who, at 17, hid my anti-depressants; and the male GP who, last year, delivered my life-altering test results in a curt 20-second phone call: such men assert an understanding of my body to which I myself could never lay claim. Voicing my own opinion feels like trespassing on restricted property.

I feel that I am ultimately subject to a body I do not understand, an unknowable and impersonal entity. I can’t say if I’ve ever truly experienced a sense of comfortable embodiment, or whether that even has any meaning. In the end, the only thing I can affirm with any certainty is that it is never a good idea to google your symptoms at 3am. 

Royal Mail upgrades Oxford postboxes to ‘postboxes of the future’

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Postboxes across Oxford – and across the UK – have been wrapped in black plastic as their doors have been removed to allow them to be retrofitted and upgraded to ‘postboxes of the future’. The change is the biggest redesign in the iconic red postbox’s 175-year history.

Following a successful pilot in Hertfordshire and Cambridgeshire in April 2025, Royal Mail plans to roll out 3,500 solar-powered postboxes. The new design features a scanner and a drawer for parcels, and allows customers to send and return labelled parcels as big as a shoebox through a postbox for the first time. The barcode scanner also allows for proof of postage and tracking. This is in addition to the regular letter slot.

A Royal Mail spokesperson told Cherwell: “Our postboxes of the future offer another convenient way for customers in Oxford to access Royal Mail’s services, alongside home delivery and collection, our Customer Service Points, Post Office branches, lockers and Royal Mail Shops. We’re pleased to see positive feedback from customers in areas where the postboxes have already been introduced, and we hope that local residents will find them just as useful and convenient.”

The change is in response to Royal Mail struggling against competition from other companies, and follows the company facing fines after failing to meet letter- delivery targets. Ofcom rules state that 93% of first-class mail must be delivered within one working day, yet between March 2024 and March 2025, Royal Mail said that just 76.3% of first-class deliveries arrived within this window. It also follows Royal Mail’s decision to no longer deliver second-class letters on Saturdays, and to deliver on every other weekday in order to cut costs. 

The turnaround for upgrades can be several weeks as each box is individually measured, the existing door is taken off and the new door must be transported from the Royal Mail engineering centre in Gloucester. The boxes are wrapped to protect them from the weather or vandalism during the upgrade. 

Royal Mail has faced criticism in recent years due to price hikes: since 2022, the cost of a first-class stamp has risen from 85p to £1.70. Despite pushing up prices, Royal Mail made a loss of £384 million in the year 2023-4. These new postboxes are a clear attempt from Royal Mail to keep up with competitors. 

Jack Clarkson, Managing Director of Out of Home and Commercial Excellence at Royal Mail, said: “We are all sending and returning more parcels than ever before. This trend will only continue as online shopping shows no signs of slowing, particularly with the boom of second-hand marketplaces.  There are 115,000 postboxes in the UK located within half a mile of 98% of addresses, making them by far the most convenient network of parcel drop-off points in the UK. Our message is clear, if you have a Royal Mail label on your parcel, and it fits, put it in a postbox and we’ll do the rest.”

Kooky and self-assured: ‘Brew Hill’ in review

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“Have you ever watched two ships crash into each other in Antwerp harbour?” asks Pieter, in the opening lines of Kilian King’s new play Brew Hill. Pecadillo Productions’ latest show is (quite rightly) aiming for the Edinburgh Fringe, but I imagine that’s only the start of where this story could go; the kooky, self-assured tragicomedy has immediate cult classic potential.

Brew Hill tells two stories. Pieter (Hugh Linklater) is modelled on Pieter Bruegel the Elder (1525-1569), an influential Dutch painter during the Renaissance. His monologues – which narrate the story of his son and protege Yoris – punctuate the present-day story of two recent-ish art graduates, Gordon (Jem Hunter) and Nat (Trixie Smith). Nat reports a strange dream about a Pieter Bruegel painting, despite having never encountered the artist’s work. Once she’s researched Bruegel, Nat decides she wants to start a brewery (‘Brew Hill’, as in ‘Brue-gel’), a place she feels will reflect the community she sees in Bruegel’s paintings. Meanwhile, Gordon compulsively checks Skyscanner for flights to Berlin. 

Gordon and Nat’s friend from university, Kirsty (Hannah Wiseman), prompted the biggest laughs in the show. An upright, wool-coat wearing professional, Kirsty was a perfect foil for Gordon and Nat. Her polite reactions to their daily routines, their home, and their dreams were genuinely hilarious. Kirsty provides access to the outside world, bringing her “cool” new friend Peter (Hugh Linklater, in his second role) over. Peter’s reappearance tears at the fabric of the play’s reality when he begins to monologue about balloons in the exact same way as Nat in the previous scene.

Brew Hill has an all star cast. Linklater is unflinching as Pieter, monologuing seamlessly through anger, pain, and tenderness. Wiseman is incredibly endearing as Nat, depicting her dependence on Gordon beautifully. Hunter as Gordon is inspired. Adorned in a white vest and living off the chocolate balls found in the corner of a Müller yoghurt, Hunter’s sun-glassed, deadpan vocal fry delivered some fantastic lines. Wiseman, who played Kirsty, is a delight to watch. Hunter and Smith together form the powerful comedic core of the play.

Gordon and Nat’s relationship is one of evident love and mutual support, but it is also fractured. Gordon can be cruel and dismissive. His poor mental health puts pressure on Nat to complete daily tasks; she’s perpetually washing up. Meanwhile, Nat is a recovering alcoholic (but it’s okay, she can start a brewery, since she doesn’t like beer?). It’s implied that she’s forced Gordon into the role of physical and emotional caretaker many times.

At first, the two timelines – Pieter versus Gordon and Nat – appeared inchoate. Who made the wacky decision to embroil a late medieval painter? Pieter felt like an anachronism, fighting for relevance even in the dialogue itself: “Of all the people to have a parasocial relationship with, you chose Pieter Bruegel? I mean, what’s wrong with Justin Bieber?” But the audience’s patience is rewarded when, as the story unfolds, the two narratives reveal satisfying resonances. King tells a watertight dual story with a clearly defined set of thematic parallels: (not) following dreams and how “the final act of love is letting go.” Or, in Peter’s words: “The balloon is you and the sky is Berlin.”

Beyond the well-executed dual plot, potent motifs formed another network of ideas. References to balloons abound, particularly the helium-filled kind that children treasure, then immediately release. Clark signals scene changes with bassy rave music, which has the amusing effect of making Pieter look as though he’s catwalking on and off stage.

Méryl Vourch’s set is naturalistic, providing two zones. A small stool is reserved for Pieter towards the front of the crowd. The majority of the stage is used to create Gordon and Nat’s home, which most of the time reflects what can only be described as a depression hovel (in Kirsty’s words, “I love it in here. Isn’t it so shabby chic?”). 

Bruegel’s paintings, which often depict scenes of labour, are described as “poverty porn” by Gordon, and provide the play the opportunity to muse on capitalism and community. Amongst the seemingly never-ending online discourse about third spaces and ‘being a good villager’, it was immensely refreshing to see the utopian, romanticised ideal of community, especially as it would have existed under feudalism, critiqued.

Behind this, images of Bruegel’s paintings are projected onto a sheet. At one point, Nat pegs printed pictures of Bruegel’s paintings – ‘The Gloomy Day’ and ‘Landscape with the Fall of Icarus’ – to the sheet, in a supernatural, metatheatrical move. When Kirsty visits her, Nat explains how brilliant she finds Bruegel’s work, growing increasingly impassioned. Kirsty responds with a polite but vacuous “mmmm”, sending the audience into hysterics.

Brew Hill is a triumph. King has assembled a talented cast and crew to deliver a punchy depiction of the enabling and suffocating effect of love. Eccentric, well-made, and packed with EDM, the show leaves you planning to book that flight you’ve always dreamed about.

Bridging the gap? Oxford’s fight against wealth inequality

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The life of a student is rarely one of luxury. Pot Noodles for dinner, Vinted bids in place of new clothes, and the widely-prized Tesco Clubcard have become small but vital saving graces as the cost of living in the UK continues to soar. While today’s economic strain is a national reality cutting across generations and incomes, in Oxford it operates on a different scale altogether. Routinely named the second most expensive city in the UK (the first being London), spiralling rents and rising prices magnify financial pressures for students already balancing limited incomes with an unforgiving housing market and ever-demanding workload. 

The city of Oxford hosts the highest proportion of students in England and Wales. Nonetheless, not only are basic necessities increasingly expensive, but so are the most stereotypical student activities: from a night out to a simple coffee between lectures. What was once considered a rite of passage within student life is now, for many, a calculated expense, forcing students to weigh up social participation against financial survival in a city that so often feels priced beyond them.

In response to these pressures – and in an attempt to address financial inequality  among students from vastly diverse socioeconomic backgrounds – Oxford offers a range of financial support mechanisms, from bursaries and hardship funds to college-specific grants. These schemes aim to cushion students against the city’s escalating costs – yet questions remain over how accessible, sufficient, and well-publicised this funding truly is, and whether it can effectively narrow the gap between rising prices and the needs of disadvantaged students.

Support often begins at a small, everyday level, from subsidised meals in hall to student-run second-hand sales.  It also extends to more unique forms of assistance, including university-wide scholarships and alumni-funded endowments. Regardless of size, these support mechanisms collectively make a tangible difference to students navigating the city’s high cost of living. 

The price of lunch is an everyday example of this. Starting anywhere from £3.50 to £5, subsidised hall meals (offering soups, salads, and hot main courses) provide a crucial alternative to the inflated cost of groceries in the city. In Oxford, even basic staples come at a premium: a dozen eggs is estimated to cost £3.94, compared to average prices of £2.54 in Colchester, £3.55 in Brighton, and £2.60 in Leicester. Against this backdrop, college dining offers students much appreciated financial relief, softening the impact of Oxford’s high living costs with the option of a warm, well-balanced meal at a low cost. 

However, not only is this often only available within the limited structure of term-time provision, but food is just one of the many pervasive costs in the UK’s “most unaffordable city”. On a wider scale, the financial disparities within Oxford’s diverse student body has led to negative public perceptions of the University. Depicted in popular culture from Emerald Fennel’s Saltburn (2023) right back to Evelyn Waugh’s Brideshead Revisited (1945), Oxford’s wealth gap has long been tied to its stereotype as a bastion of privilege. In recent years, however, the University has made visible attempts to challenge this narrative.

Diversity in Oxford has certainly improved since the era of Johnson and Cameron’s Bullingdon Club, which prompted the University to launch a number of schemes aimed at ensuring all students can feel at home against a backdrop of generational wealth, famous parents, and inherited networks. Yet while these initiatives signal progress, they also raise questions about how far structural inequalities can be addressed within an institution still shaped by historic privilege.

The Crankstart Scholarship exemplifies this. Outlined as providing “a programme of enhanced support to UK residents from lower-income households who are studying for their first undergraduate degree”, the scheme was launched in 2012 after “a generous donation from Sir Michael Moritz, a Christ Church alumnus, and his wife Ms Harriet Heyman”. Since then, Crankstart has undoubtedly been impactful, described by the University as “currently supporting 17% of Oxford University’s full-time UK undergraduate students” with “an annual bursary of between £6150 and £5300” and access to a range of internship opportunities. 

This amount, equivalent to almost 65% of a UK student’s annual tuition fees, is a huge step in the right direction for closing Oxford’s gaping wealth disparities. However, it does not come without its caveats. 

Firstly, some recipients at The Queen’s College have expressed discontent at the linguistic ramifications of the scholarship’s name. ‘Crankstart’, a term associated with sudden or unearned advantage, has been criticised for reinforcing the very narratives of dependency and deficit that widening participation schemes seek to dismantle. The same applies to college-bursary options, like at St Cross College, where donations for a ‘Student Hardship Fund’ are being actively encouraged. 

For some recipients, these labels risk publicly marking students out as beneficiaries of charity rather than merit, creating an uncomfortable visibility within an institution already acutely aware of class distinction. This is a common trope throughout much of Oxford’s support for disadvantaged students, with notable parallels to the impacts of placing individuals on mandatory programmes, like Opportunity Oxford. 

Such unease reflects a broader tension within access initiatives at Oxford: while financial support may alleviate material pressures, the cultural framing of such schemes can inadvertently entrench stigma. Oxford’s names for these schemes also contrasts with the more general framing of support grants at many other universities which place less of an emphasis on charity – such as the University of Sussex’s ‘Sussex Bursary’ and Cardiff University’s ‘Cardiff University Bursary’, both for students with a household income of less than £35,000.

Chloe Pomfret, President of Class Act, described the consequences of this to Cherwell: not only can “it be embarrassing to ask for financial support, particularly when you are raised in a family where talking about finances and asking for help can be a huge taboo”, but many “can feel like they’re not ‘deserving’ of this financial support, because the way these funds are named make you worry others need support more”. 

Pomfret expressed appreciation for Oxford’s overall generosity, describing “for the first time in my life, finances weren’t my primary concern as it funded my rent and food”. However, she also pointed out the importance of support for “students who appear financially able to support themselves on paper, but in reality, are ineligible for Crankstart and other generous bursaries”.

Indeed, the eligibility criteria for many schemes tend to rely on broad socioeconomic indicators that cannot fully capture the complexity of disadvantage. Students whose circumstances fall outside prescribed thresholds – such as those from families with fluctuating incomes, precarious employment, or non-traditional forms of hardship – may find themselves excluded despite facing comparable financial and cultural barriers. This reliance on generalisation risks reducing lived experience to administrative categories, thereby undermining the very inclusivity these initiatives seek to promote.

For example, the Crankstart Scholarship is offered to students whose household income is £32,500 or less, versus other Oxford bursaries’ criteria which rises to £50,000. However, this framework assumes that “household income” is a transparent, and meaningful measure of a student’s lived financial reality. In practice, many students may be financially independent from their families or receive inconsistent support, rendering household income an imprecise indicator of need. 

Moreover, the model fails to account for the sudden and often destabilising changes in circumstances that can happen at any point during a university career, such as parental job loss, illness, bereavement, or shifts in caring responsibilities. By relying on static thresholds assessed at the point of entry, the scheme risks overlooking students whose financial vulnerability emerges or intensifies after admission, thereby limiting its capacity to respond to the dynamic nature of student hardship.

These limitations are further illuminated at the college level, where financial support mechanisms are often narrower in scope and more symbolically charged. scholarships grounded in fixed eligibility criteria and externally funded charitable structures can struggle to respond to evolving student needs. Concerns around opaque funding sources, limited transparency, and external political influence have shifted attention away from students’ lived experiences and towards the broader symbolism such support carries within such a hotly contested institutional environment. As a result, financial aid does not only risk becoming insufficiently flexible, but also entangled in political and symbolic debates that restrict its capacity to address the dynamic realities of student vulnerability in Oxford.

To escape this politicisation, one should perhaps look beyond the city. Across the country, charities exist to support individual students with their higher education endeavours. On a local level, many of these organisations function to assist families, schools, and community-run projects, while also giving out grants and one-off payments to students applying for top universities. 

One-such organisation is The Magdalen and Lasher Charity, which operates in Hastings. Founded in the thirteenth century but now concerned with “the prevention and relief of poverty…among persons living in or near the Borough of Hastings”, the Charity also supports low-income students attending high-ranking universities like Oxford and Cambridge. Residents of Hastings who attend these institutions may be awarded a sum of up to £250 per academic year during the course of their degree, making a meaningful difference to those struggling with the expenses of studying in an expensive city. 

However, in order to access this support, students have to make a formal application, which does somewhat reduce accessibility. Like many Oxford grants, charities like Magdalen and Lasher are often underpublicized, reliant on referral from social services and schools to reach beneficiaries. In addition, the requirement to be “in need, hardship, or distress” can be somewhat ambiguous, and may discourage many prospective applicants who do not feel they fit this description. But each of these charities does have money to give; although time-consuming and often hard to locate, they are certainly a significant funding alternative that makes a huge difference to student lives.

The same can be said inside Oxford, as once again a lack of publicity leads to available funds not being utilised. Lincoln College’s Student Financial Support Grant is an example of this, described by one second-year student as “very much an under-utilised pot of money”, adding: “College has the money, but could do a lot more in terms of advertising it.” They told Cherwell that the grant paid for a new laptop after a two-week processing period, noting that “the up-to two week wait can be a little bit difficult for students needing urgent funds, but otherwise Lincoln is very generous”. 

Cases like this underline a recurring issue across Oxford: financial support may exist in theory, but without visibility, speed, and clarity, it risks arriving too late or not at all. For students navigating sudden hardship – like a broken laptop, an unexpected rent increase, or a loss of family income – timing can be extremely decisive, particularly given Oxford’s restrictions on paid employment during term time, which limit students’ ability to respond to financial shocks through part-time work.

One attempt to address this gap is the Reuben Scholarship, a university-wide scheme designed to support students from households with lower incomes throughout their degree. Unlike many college-specific funds or externally affiliated awards, the Reuben Scholarship is centrally administered and framed explicitly as sustained financial support rather than short-term crisis intervention. It is also processed by department rather than requiring applicants to apply directly through Reuben College, a key distinction from many other funding options at Oxford, whether centralised or college-based. 

This centralisation is significant because it mitigates the inequities created by the college-by-college funding model, under which levels of financial support vary widely depending on a college’s historical wealth and endowment.The Reuben Scholarship therefore represents a partial corrective to structural inequalities embedded within the collegiate system, although it does not eliminate the broader issue of unevenly distributed financial security across colleges.

While certainly levelling the playing field, still the familiar tensions remain. There is little publicity of the Reuben Scholarship, and like many access initiatives, eligibility is still tied to income-based thresholds that struggle to capture the full complexity of students’ lived realities. While its scale and centralisation mark a shift towards a more coherent university response slightly different to Crankstart and college funding, it nevertheless operates within the same structural constraints that shape Oxford’s broader approach to student support.

Taken together, Oxford’s many bursaries, scholarships, hardship funds, and charitable grants reveal a system rooted in good intentions but fragmented in execution. Financial assistance is often generous, yet inconsistently publicised. This, alongside frequently slow or inflexible implementation, makes funding options impactful, but symbolically loaded in ways that can reproduce stigma rather than dismantle it. 

As the national cost of living continues to rise and student hardship becomes ever more dynamic, the challenge for Oxford is not simply to provide support, but to ensure it is visible, adaptable, and tuned into the realities of student life not just at the point of entry, but throughout their time at the University.

Hague awards eight recipients with honorary degrees at special ceremony

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Eight honorary degrees were conferred by William Hague, Chancellor of Oxford, today at a Special Honorary Degree Ceremony. Among the recipients were presenter of the ‘The Rest is History’ podcast Dr Dominic Sandbrook; writer and conservationist Isabella Tree; and award-winning journalist Christina Lamb.

The other honorands were lawyer and former Principal of St Hugh’s College, Lady Elish Angiolini; former US Secretary of State John Kerry; President of Magdalen College Dinah Rose; Vice-Chancellor of the University Professor Irene Tracey; and political scientist and broadcaster Professor Sir John Curtice.

Image credit: Polina Kim for Cherwell.

Following the ceremony, which took place in the Sheldonian Theatre, the honorands processed under the Bridge of Sighs and along New College Lane.  

Speaking one year on from the start of his Chancellorship, Hague said in a press release: “I am delighted to honour eight exceptional individuals today, whose achievements and dedication to their respective fields has been a personal inspiration to me.”

Having announced nine honorands last year, eight of the degrees were awarded today, with one to be conferred at the next Encaenia, a ceremony which takes place every year in the ninth week of Trinity Term. Today’s event, which follows a similar format to Encaenia, is a Special Honorary Degree Ceremony which marks the start of Hague’s Chancellorship and allows him to nominate “distinguished individuals” to receive honorary degrees.

Image credit: Polina Kim for Cherwell.

Dominic Sandbrook has authored several books, as well as written and produced documentary series, and presents ‘The Rest is History’ podcast with fellow historian Tom Holland. He told Cherwell about his fond memories of Oxford and his tutors “who inspired my love of history and literature, and I’ve been very fortunate that through my books and podcasts, I’ve been able to share my passions with readers and listeners all over the world”.

Professor Sir John Curtice told Cherwell of his gratitude for having an environment “in which I was able to lay the foundations for the career I have had the privilege to pursue as an academic student of and commentator on public opinion and politics”. Curtice’s honorary degree reflects the achievements of his work as a political scientist, having become known for his interpretation of polls and survey data.

Image credit: Polina Kim for Cherwell.

He told Cherwell: “Today’s recognition of my work via the award of an honorary degree is well beyond the hopes and aspirations I had during that formative time in the dreaming spires – and consequently is much treasured.”

Christina Lamb is Chief Foreign Correspondent for The Sunday Times and a Cherwell alumna. She told Cherwell about the thrill of “being awarded an Oxford honorary doctor of letters [sic]”. She said: “It’s the most wonderful privilege and I haven’t really stopped smiling. To me it’s recognition of all those many people round the world who have bravely told their stories at a time when sometimes it can seem no one is listening.”

Image credit: Polina Kim for Cherwell.

Dinah Rose walked alongside Isabella Tree during the procession. She told Cherwell she was “utterly delighted to have been nominated for an honorary doctorate by the Chancellor. It is a great privilege to represent Lord Hague’s own college, Magdalen, in this way”. Rose is particularly interested in areas of law including human rights and civil liberties, and has appeared before several courts and major jurisdictions over the years. 

The honorands followed behind the Chancellor and processed along Queen’s Lane and High Street to arrive at Magdalen College for a formal, celebratory lunch.

Remembering Jaipal Singh Munda, an Adivasi pioneer

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Hemant Soren, the Chief Minister of Jharkhand, visited St John’s College on 23rd January to pay tribute to his ancestor, Jaipal Singh Munda, who graduated from the University of Oxford in 1926. Jaipal Singh was from a remote village and, following his university education,  went on to become a statesman in the Constituent Assembly of India. Today, he is recognised as a seminal figure in advocating for the rights of Adivasis (Indigenous and tribal peoples), who account for nearly 100 million people in India.  

Chief Minister Hemant Soren, on an official state visit, was welcomed at All Souls College on Friday afternoon. The event was organised by Professor Alpa Shah, an anthropologist and fellow of the College, whose fieldwork in Jharkhand, during which she lived among Adivasi communities, spans over 20 years. After a formal welcome in Nagpuri, the Chief Minister paid tribute to Dr Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan, the former President of India, who was a philosopher and fellow of All Souls. Following this, the delegation was received in the President’s lodgings at St John’s College, where an exhibition of  archives relating to Jaipal Singh Munda, an Adivasi who matriculated at the College in 1922 to read Politics, Philosophy, and Economics, had been laid out.

Addressing the President of St John’s, Dame Sue Black, and a room full of scholars, the Chief Minister said he was impressed to see these records preserved, which give insight into the incredible life of Jaipal Singh Munda. The collection contains several photographs and documents relating to his student life at the College. He stated that it would be a pleasure to co-host a joint archive with the government of Jharkhand and St John’s College to continue preserving the legacy of Adivasi scholarship. 

The evening ended at the Blavatnik School of Government, with the Chief Minister in conversation with Professor Alpa Shah and Professor Maya Tudor, examining how Jharkhand, an Indigenous-majority state, but also a mineral-rich one, was looking  to the future. The Chief Minister’s vision for 2050 revolves around shifting from an extraction-based economy,  centred on removing and exporting natural resources from the land, to an inclusive one. He was asked tough questions about how he would ensure that mining was not colonised by outsiders and did not dispossess, exploit, and further impoverish Adivasis, as it had in the past. In his responses he recognised the importance of these questions, which went to the heart of the values that Jaipal Singh Munda fought for. 

Jaipal Singh Munda was born in 1903 in the small village of Takra. He arrived in England in 1918 under the patronage of Canon William Cosgrove. Arriving at Oxford in 1922, he described himself as the ‘only Asiatic’ there, as Asians were then referred to. Non-European students were both hyper-visible and socially marginalised within elite academic institutions. As an Adivasi, historically positioned outside India’s caste hierarchy, Jaipal Singh was doubly marginalised even among other Indians. Yet the archives reveal how Jaipal Singh’s brilliance extended to many aspects of college life. 

A photo from 1925 shows the St John’s College Hockey Team, with Jaipal Singh smiling in the centre as their captain. That same year, he earned a Blue and became president of St John’s College Debating Society in October. Through these societies, Jaipal Singh was able to connect with and establish himself among the intellectual elites of Britain. His prowess as a sportsman should not go unnoticed, as it took him to the Amsterdam Olympic Games in 1928, where he captained the Indian Hockey Team that won a gold medal. From early on, then, Jaipal Singh displayed his talents as a naturally skilled leader. In the collection at St John’s, you can see an entry in the Debating Society’s Minute Book, signed by him as president on the 16th November 1925. Under his leadership, the society debated issues such as ‘This House deplores the existing public school system’, ‘This University stands in urgent need of reform’, and ‘That the spirit of nationalism is incompatible with world peace’, questions still very much pertinent today. 

The archives at St John’s show the life of a talented man, who deserves more recognition than he has received, both internationally and nationally. However, his story goes beyond that of a man defying all financial and societal odds to thrive in one of the most traditional institutions in the world. Professor Shah, who has worked on the legacy of Jaipal Singh Munda, says his contribution as a statesman is equally exceptional; he spent his career striving for the rights and recognition of some of the most marginalised communities in the world. 

After a few years in the British Colonial Service, during which he moved among British and Indian elites, Jaipal Singh became aware in 1938 of an Adivasi agitation in what is now the state of Jharkhand. Adivasis were resisting the seizure of their land and forests by powerful higher-caste outsiders, but their concerns were ignored by the state. At this moment, Jaipal Singh Munda resolved to fight for his people’s future. After returning home, he led the Adivasi Mahasabha party (the great Adivasi assembly), and in 1946 was sent to the Constituent Assembly, an elected body tasked with drafting India’s Constitution. Meanwhile, he also set up a weekly bulletin, the Adivasi Sakam, which brought greater awareness to the ongoing oppression that Adivasis faced. When speaking for the first time at the Constituent Assembly, he declared that he was proud to be a ‘jungli’ – a pejorative term used in India to disparage Adivasis. In one of his most powerful speeches to the Assembly, he stated:“You cannot teach democracy to the tribal people; you have to learn democratic ways from them. They are the most democratic people on earth.”

His life was dedicated to recognising Adivasi rights and their claim to the land, Shah notes in an essay on Jaipal Singh Munda for the Indian magazine, Outlook. He championed better working conditions; Adivasis were often forced to travel long distances to work low-income jobs within large corporations. Often, these corporations would displace communities, seeking the valuable mineral resources contained within the land. He also defended Adivasi cultural practices and advocated for their egalitarian social organisation. Shah tells me her own research shows how in Adivasi communities, leaders can be randomly selected and rotated, so that no single family could consolidate enduring power or authority. She also noted that Adivasi marriages were brought about by the free choice of both partners, unlike other places in India. “Gender roles were grounded in mutual respect, reflecting a broader culture of dignity”, she observed. Indeed, Jaipal Singh himself complained about the lack of women representatives within the Constituent Assembly.  

In doing so, he challenged the prevailing ‘jungli’ conception of Adivasis as backwards and primitive. Drawing on the rhetorical skills he had honed at Oxford, Jaipal Singh’s position at the Constituent Assembly was crucial in challenging prejudices and served as a representative voice for those most marginalised. He recognised that the problems of inequality for Adivasis came not only from the legacy of British colonial rule, but from within India’s class and caste hierarchies. He was the primary force behind the movement towards a separate Adivasi state which would secure both their rights and land ownership. However, the state of Jharkhand was only formed in 2000, 30thirty years after Jaipal Singh died, amidst continued patterns of dispossession and alienation of Adivasis. 

Honouring Jaipal Singh Munda’s legacy is more crucial now than ever, as the state determines its developmental priorities. Even though Adivasis live on some of the greatest mineral reserves in the world, they remain some of the poorest in India. Despite Jaipal Singh’s work, Jharkhand’s founding was delayed by Indian political leaders who continually resisted the idea of an Adivasi self-governing territory. Another problem was that India’s economic liberalisation in the 1990s allowed wealthy mining companies to target the land upon which Adivasi livelihoods were built. Since 2006, Adivasi lands have become a warzone after the Indian state deployed thousands of troops to surround their forests. Beneath the land were rich minerals, which both the state and international corporations wanted to extract. Despite legal protections, the state army entered on the pretext that they were handling groups of banned left-wing armed guerrillas, Naxalites, who also lived in the forests. Shah, who researched the spread of the insurgency and counterinsurgency, shows in her book Nightmarch that the result was the widespread dispossession, arrest, and killing of innocent Adivasis. Jaipal Singh Munda’s work in the Constituent Assembly informs questions about Adivasi agency and autonomy today. In the ‘Jharkhand Vision 2050’ brochure, the Chief Minister states his aspiration to transform Jharkhand into a “high-value, upper-middle-income state” with an economy driven by “productivity and value creation”. During this transition, the founding principle of Adivasi sovereignty must remain a crucial aspect of political discussions going forward.  

Dr Regina Hansda, an Adivasi who is a Lecturer at the University of Edinburgh, says that the current moment marks a turning point for the interests of Adivasi sovereignty. She stresses the importance of protecting the jal (waters and rivers), jungle (forests), and zameen (land) against state and corporate interests: “Jaipal Singh Munda should be seen as a classic example of how indigeneity, coloniality and modernity can be navigated in a way that our identity and sense of self is not compromised.”

The story of Jaipal Singh Munda’s life and career stands as a testament to the value of widening educational access for Adivasis. An initiative by the Chief Minister in 2021 saw the creation of the Marang Gomke scholarship, intended to promote social equity. Each year, the scheme provides Master’s scholarships at leading UK universities for students from marginalised communities in Jharkhand.

Dr. Hansda points out that in the West, mainstream conversations about India rarely include Indigenous, tribal people. “Access to higher education is still a major issue for the Adivasi population and the Chief Minister’s visit reopens the possibility of students, including Oxford students, to study alongside Adivasi students in future to co-learn, co-imagine and co-create a hopeful future together.”

The very fact that Jaipal Singh Munda attended St John’s College should encourage greater historical curiosity. There are many more stories yet to be uncovered about those early pioneers who managed to break through and navigate Oxford’s rigid institutional system. While at the Blavatnik School, an Indian man in the audience related how his son had asked his Indian teacher where Jharkhand was, only to find that she was unable to answer. This instance reflects a broad lack of awareness even within India that makes curiosity about Adivasi lives all the more important to bring to the centre. These communities deserve attention, not only because ongoing injustices persist, but, as Jaipal Singh emphasised, there is so much to learn from their livelihoods – politically, socially, and culturally. Engaging with these different perspectives better equips us to understand the challenges faced by marginalised Indigenous communities all around the world. 

During his conversations with Lady Sue Black, the President of St John’s, the Chief Minister raised the possibility of a doctoral scholarship for an Adivasi student to be hosted at St John’s in the name of Jaipal Singh Munda to work on the social justice challenges that Jaipal Singh devoted his life to. A shared doctoral scholarship between St John’s College and the Jharkhand government would signal a joint commitment to opening Oxford to some of the most excluded communities, and to advancing scholarship on pressing injustices. Jaipal Singh Munda’s story should remind institutions like Oxford of the responsibility they have not only to preserve the histories of their alumni, but also to actively engage with the communities who continue to wrestle with their imperial past.