When I think of
Italy, I think of the rolling green hills of Tuscany where my family once
lived; of vibrant locals, distinctive gelaterias, and of an irrepressible sense
of tranquillity. The Italy I imagine is a far cry from the Italy of present.
The COVID-19 pandemic
has augmented pre-existent economic and ideological fissures in Italy, both
domestically and in its relations with other member states of the eurozone. The
pandemic comes just a decade after the eurocrisis, the impact of which is still
being felt by several European economies. However, the current crisis differs
from the previous one in numerous fundamental ways. It constitutes a symmetric
shock to member states of the eurozone, and it is not the result of policy or
governmental failure. Crucially, this crisis also has a distinctly humanitarian
element, rather than being solely fiscal. Yet while the initial threat posed by
COVID-19 may have been symmetric, the pre-crisis financial burden already felt
by some member states has led to an asymmetric fallout, with southern countries
such as Italy, Spain and Greece being most severely affected. Real GDP
forecasts issued by the European Commission on the 6th May estimate
a 7.7% shrinkage in the euro area as a whole; Greece, Italy and Spain are predicted the highest fallout, with an estimated reduction of
9.7%, 9.5% and 9.4% respectively, according to the Spring 2020 European
Commission economic forecast.
With southern member
states topping statistics for economic shrinkage, it is clear the COVID-19
pandemic has widened the gulf between northern and southern countries,
exacerbating tensions within the bloc which have boiled over in the recent
‘coronabonds’ controversy. At the heart of this debate lay rhetorical
distinctions between ‘mutualised’ debts, on the one hand, and ‘joint’ or
‘several’ debts on the other. Coronabonds, if approved, would allow for the
combining of securities and collective guaranteeing of debt across the
eurozone, as requested by the leaders of nine member states in a letter to the
European Council on the 26th March. Yet fears that this may lead to
a situation in which certain member states with smaller economies may be held responsible
for the debts of all others – or even one in which all eurozone debts become permanently
mutually held – have fuelled intense opposition to the request, spearheaded by
Germany and the Netherlands. Dutch finance minister, Wopke Hoekstra, reportedly
suggested that Brussels should investigate why some countries were unable to combat
the economic downturn ensuing from the virus, refusing to support coronabonds
on the grounds that they undermined ‘incentives for sensible policy’.
While there are some
reasonable fiscal concerns arising from coronabonds, there is no denying the
fact that the response of Germany and the Netherlands constitutes a breach of
the ideological principle of solidarity underpinning the European Union. The
justificatory ethos propagated by this opposition is not dissimilar to ‘every
man [or member state] for himself’. Such a rejection has, understandably, led
to feelings of betrayal within the hardest-hit member states and their supporters,
which in turn could encourage a rise in Euroscepticism. Mark Dowding, chief
investment officer for BlueBay Asset Management, insightfully turns the mirror
back to those countries rejecting this request in his assertion that Euroscepticism
‘eventually sees fears of a break-up getting priced in. As an investor, I think
that dynamic is more important than the finer points of any eurozone deal.’ He
thus highlights the economic as well as ideological argument for solidarity
between member states, suggesting that fears of fragmentation could discourage
future investment, affecting all members of the eurozone – not just those
currently in need. Ultimately, a threat as ubiquitous as COVID-19 surely
demands a response that is equally united.
Such a context informs the current economic and political climate in Italy. With a death toll of over 31,000 (the second highest in Europe after the UK, and third highest globally), Italy has been viewed as the epicentre of the crisis in mainland Europe. There are numerous factors underlying the intensity of this fallout. For one, Italy was already suffering from strained public finances and economic uncertainty before the pandemic, contributing to the spiralling fiscal repercussions of the virus the country now faces. After the outbreak, Italy notably suffered from an initial supply-side shock; combined with the economic consequences emanating from production shutdown and other containment policies, such repercussions mean Italy is now set to enter a deep recession. Another significant underlying factor is Italy’s population demographic: with a median age ranked fifth highest in the world, alongside one of the lowest birth rates, the burden on financing requirements such as care homes, focal points in this epidemic, is substantial. Yet such factors are long term and therefore, in a sense, unavoidable. By contrast, Italian Prime Minister Giuseppe Conte has been criticised for perceived shortcomings in his early lockdown strategies; such measures involved dividing the country into ‘red’ and ‘yellow’ zones, according to the perceived threat in various regions. Subsequent containment measures were thus determined with respect to these categories, with regions in the ‘red’ zone such as Lombardy and Veneto being placed on full-scale lockdown. Whilst these measures were in place from 8th March, Italy was not placed under national lockdown until the 22nd, leading some to criticise Conte’s policies as reactive rather than proactive, potentially facilitating the spread of the virus between regions.
Domestically, Italy
has also been hit by one of the largest frontline healthcare crises in Europe –
if not the world. In the early stages of the virus, Italy’s hospitals became
overwhelmed by the exponential spread of cases and inadequate resources; this
was particularly the case in Lombardy, which saw the highest concentration of virus
cases in the country. In the days after Italy had been put on official lockdown
over 2500 Italian healthcare workers tested positive for the virus contributing,
in part, to its further spread. Italian filmmaker Olmo Parenti’s short
documentary, entitled Coronavirus From One Meter Away, looks inside
Milan’s Polyclinic, one of the key hospitals fighting the pandemic in Italy.
Parenti used extreme close-ups to film many of the patients, stating that ‘I
wanted to capture the painful reality of seeing this virus in action… When
you’re three feet away from a patient, you see all the tiny things that speak
so loudly about the pain and struggle they are going through’. His documentary
gives an important and highly emotive insight into the individual realities of
the virus, which are all too often subsumed by macrocosmic data analysing
overarching death rates, and politico-economic trends. It is important to
remember that, despite the significant fallout, this crisis remains
humanitarian at its heart. Such a mindset, if applied, helps encourage
empathetic responses to the crisis both domestically and trans-nationally.
That being said, it
should be recognised just how transformative the coronavirus has been across a
multitude of domains, be they economic, political or cultural. For example, a
significant by-product of the pandemic is a strenuous ideological questioning,
as reflected in the increasing Euroscepticism arising from tensions in the
eurozone. Such a trend represents a significant departure from the ideological
principle of unity underpinning the eurozone, and constitutes a fundamental
threat to an institution which has been in place for over twenty years.
In Italy, a Tecnè survey
reported that the number of Italians agreeing that EU membership is a
disadvantage rose from 47% in November 2018, to 67% in March 2020. While it
cannot be stated that the current pandemic was the predominant cause of this,
such dates certainly imply a high degree of correlation. Moreover, increasing
governmental tensions arising from the virus are adding to an already strained
political environment, reflected in conflicts between the anti-establishment
Five Star Movement on the one hand, and the rising popularity of the anti-EU,
right-wing party Matteo Salvini’s League on the other. Conte’s production of a
unified response to the pandemic has therefore been complicated by the need to
navigate this increasing Euroscepticism and mediate between the demands of different
political parties. The government’s delayed announcement of a 55 billion-euro
stimulus package, promising to boost business liquidity and aid vulnerable
families, was finally broadcast by Conte on May 13th. It is thus
apparent in Italy – as in many other countries – that COVID-19 poses a substantial
threat to all spheres of daily activity, contributing to significant
politico-economic and ideological scrutiny.
In the face of such a
climate – in which the economic, political and humanitarian principles of Italy
stand under threat – the cultural response which has emerged is rendered all
the more incredible. Stories of individual and communal reactions to the
pandemic stand out as beacons of hope in a predominantly dark tide of media
coverage. ‘Andrà tutto bene’ (‘everything will be alright’) are the
words painted on flags draped from citizens’ balconies, encapsulating the
resilience of the Italian spirit. Everyday at 6pm, since the beginning of the official
lockdown, inhabitants in Rome have opened their windows and sang together. This
tradition is mirrored in various forms across the country. In Siena, at the
heart of Tuscany, a recent viral video shows the townspeople singing a
traditional folksong together in the dead of night; in Florence, Maurizio
Marchini gave a powerful performance of Nessun Dorma from his balcony;
in Turin, an opera singer and violinist played from the window in their block
of flats. Across Italy, neighbourhoods are coming together from the confines of
their households to play instruments, dance on their balconies, and remind each
other that they are not alone, in spite of unprecedented social isolation.
Music is not the only
outlet the people of Italy have turned to in solace. There are numerous stories
of philanthropic ventures connecting different social groups across Italy. In
Rome and Milan the app Next Door is being used to connect millennials with
elderly generations, enabling the supply of food and medical deliveries to the
vulnerable. In Geneva, the closure of Luzzati Garden led to its president Marco
Montoli re-creating the cultural space online; the ensuing ‘Good Morning
Geneva’ page has more than 20,000 followers, and provides yoga tutorials,
debates, concerts and craft workshops amongst other content. ‘Good Morning
Geneva’ has also functioned as a platform against domestic violence, with
Manuela Caccioni (head of the Mascherona anti-violence centre) using the page
to highlight the ways in which their work is continuing virtually, and
encouraging victims to reach out to them.
Such enterprise is
also unfolding on the frontline. Francesco Caputo, a psychotherapist with the
refugee NGO Mediterranea, launched a hotline in late April to provide mental
and emotional support to those impacted by the crisis. This venture recognises
the very real psychological repercussions emanating from COVID-19, as manifested
in medical reports of increased anxiety, insomnia and panic attacks amongst
survivors and their peers. Rome’s Spallanzani infectious diseases institute is
one of many hospitals in Italy offering therapy sessions for patients who are
not in the intensive care unit, aiming to confront fears arising from the virus.
Doctor Tommaso Speranza, a psychologist for the hospital, epitomises the
communal response to the crisis in an interview with BBC News: ‘We try to
transform [fear] into hope, telling them they’re not alone.’ Across Italy, from
the claustrophobic confines of hospitals and houses, blooms creativity, enacted
in artistic, technological and charitable projects.
Italy stands as an
example of the irrepressible human spirit. Faced with an hitherto inconceivable
crisis, with economic strain, political fracture and a very real physical
threat, Italy – along with many other countries of the world – has responded
with hope. While this virus pervades every corner of daily life right now, and
has undoubtedly caused fractures at many levels of society, we should not
overlook the overwhelming number of positive endeavours that have arisen in
response. Such ventures project an optimistic image for a future in which
society is a little more empathetic, creative and united.
When I next return to
Italy, the rolling green hills of Tuscany will be the same; but the people that
inhabit them will be irrevocably changed. COVID-19 is going to radically
redefine what we conceptualise as normal, in economic, socio-political, and
cultural terms. Yet, at its heart, Italy remains the same emblem of communal
resilience.
Come what may, andrà
tutto bene.
