Sunday, May 11, 2025
Blog Page 1769

The need for free elections in DRC

Bill Townsend
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The need for free elections in DRC

In 2006 the world asked whether the first democratic elections in the Democratic Republic of Congo for 40 years could prevent the country from returning to violence. Following four decades of dictatorship, the bloodiest regional conflict since WW2 and having earned the ignominious title of ‘rape capital of the world’, it was deemed essential that the DRC elect a President who could build a broad coalition in an attempt to consolidate peace and create infrastructure throughout the country. Relations with neighbouring Rwanda and Uganda, which were instrumental in previous rounds of violence, would also need to be carefully managed.

In 2006 the world asked whether the first democratic elections in the Democratic Republic of Congo for 40 years could prevent the country from returning to violence. Following four decades of dictatorship, the bloodiest regional conflict since WW2 and having earned the ignominious title of ‘rape capital of the world’, it was deemed essential that the DRC elect a President who could build a broad coalition in an attempt to consolidate peace and create infrastructure throughout the country. Relations with neighbouring Rwanda and Uganda, which were instrumental in previous rounds of violence, would also need to be carefully managed.
    Whilst progress on the latter point has been made, internal development, implementation of the 2006 constitution and coalition building have been much harder. For the time being, the upcoming elections on November 28th represent the best chance for the Congolese people to retain a check on the excesses of their leaders and to pursue reform. Without domestic opposition to call for transparency, repression and abuse are likely to increase in Congo and any ensuing frustration may tip over into more violent forms of protest.
    The last election was deemed to be transparent. The challenges faced this time mean that the DRC risks sliding backwards. The international community will be contributing fewer observers and training too few police officers to oversee the elections. The second round ‘run-off’ phase used in 2006, essential to ensuring that the President has majority support, has been replaced by a single round competition – not only does this favour the incumbent, but according to some experts, the winner could govern with as little as 20% of the vote.
   There is an oft-repeated phrase heard in certain parts of Congo: “Si Kabila perd, c’est la guerre”. Whilst few expect the outcome of the Congolese poll to result in heightened and sustained violence, there is every reason to feel anxious, and therefore every reason to demand free and fair elections.   
  Discussions with Congolese political parties have taken place in neighbouring states in a bid to avoid clashes. Yet, like so many elections across Africa, the November ballot in the DRC is centred on the personalities of the contenders. This implies that these elections are about power, not policy. Indeed, President Kabila’s power resides in a series of ad hoc alliances with leaders at various levels throughout the country and policymaking is conducted through a small clique of advisors, rather than via the politicians in charge of the relevant ministries.
Despite having five years to prepare, the government is failing to coordinate enthusiasm for these elections effectively, risking insecurity. There is one legislative position which has attracted 1,500 candidates, meanwhile, six weeks from the proposed election and the polling cards were still to be printed. In a country the size of Western Europe, which has just a few thousand miles of paved roads and 62,000 polling stations, the logistical challenges alone are daunting. Yet the independent election commission, CENI, had failed to provide a detailed operational plan; the fact that the head of the commission, Daniel Ngoy Mulundu, is an old ally of Kabila’s entourage speaks for itself.
  Another critical consideration that affects elections across Africa is the role of the young  – the average age in the DRC is just 18. Whilst the government has done little to further voter education since 2006, young people care passionately about issues such as violence in the East, rape, child soldiers and unemployment, so their significance in these elections cannot be ignored. One needs only look to the role that young people have played recently across North Africa and the Middle East: a failure to engage with the youth of Congo will have a serious impact on the country’s future.
  Despite the Congolese elections being only a short time away, there are many uncertainties and the socio-political environment remains tense. These elections will have a defining impact on the future of the DRC and Central Africa, and represent an opportunity to overturn many years of neglect and dysfunction. The International Development Secretary, Andrew Mitchell, recently stated, “We will never have a stable Africa, unless there is a stable DRC”. Reflecting this sentiment, DfID is projected to increase its spending in the DRC to £198 million per year from now until 2015. In sending such a high volume of aid, the UK has a responsibility to the UK taxpayer as well as a moral obligation to the Congolese people to ensure this money is used effectively and does not end up in the pockets of corrupt elites. 
Free Fair DRC is a non-partisan organisation who have been working alongside NGOs, Congolese Diaspora and politicians around the world to coordinate attention on the elections in Congo. Accountable and responsive governance is needed in order to overcome the debilitating cycle of poverty and violence and unlock DRC’s potential. This election is a key step toward that goal.
   You can help by writing to your MP and MEP and asking them to support free and fair elections in the DRC; finding us on Facebook or Twitter, and by going to www.FreeFairDRC.com and signing our supporters’ pledge.

Whilst progress on the latter point has been made, internal development, implementation of the 2006 constitution and coalition building have been much harder. For the time being, the upcoming elections on November 28th represent the best chance for the Congolese people to retain a check on the excesses of their leaders and to pursue reform. Without domestic opposition to call for transparency, repression and abuse are likely to increase in Congo and any ensuing frustration may tip over into more violent forms of protest.   

The last election was deemed to be transparent. The challenges faced this time mean that the DRC risks sliding backwards. The international community will be contributing fewer observers and training too few police officers to oversee the elections. The second round ‘run-off’ phase used in 2006, essential to ensuring that the President has majority support, has been replaced by a single round competition – not only does this favour the incumbent, but according to some experts, the winner could govern with as little as 20% of the vote.   

There is an oft-repeated phrase heard in certain parts of Congo: “Si Kabila perd, c’est la guerre”, or ‘If Kabila loses, there will be war’. Whilst few expect the outcome of the Congolese poll to result in heightened and sustained violence, there is every reason to feel anxious, and therefore every reason to demand free and fair elections.    

Discussions with Congolese political parties have taken place in neighbouring states in a bid to avoid clashes. Yet, like so many elections across Africa, the November ballot in the DRC is centred on the personalities of the contenders. This implies that these elections are about power, not policy. Indeed, President Kabila’s power resides in a series of ad hoc alliances with leaders at various levels throughout the country and policymaking is conducted through a small clique of advisors, rather than via the politicians in charge of the relevant ministries.

Despite having five years to prepare, the government is failing to coordinate enthusiasm for these elections effectively, risking insecurity. There is one legislative position which has attracted 1,500 candidates, meanwhile, six weeks from the proposed election and the polling cards were still to be printed. In a country the size of Western Europe, which has just a few thousand miles of paved roads and 62,000 polling stations, the logistical challenges alone are daunting. Yet the independent election commission, CENI, had failed to provide a detailed operational plan; the fact that the head of the commission, Daniel Ngoy Mulundu, is an old ally of Kabila’s entourage speaks for itself. 

Another critical consideration that affects elections across Africa is the role of the young  – the average age in the DRC is just 18. Whilst the government has done little to further voter education since 2006, young people care passionately about issues such as violence in the East, rape, child soldiers and unemployment, so their significance in these elections cannot be ignored. One needs only look to the role that young people have played recently across North Africa and the Middle East: a failure to engage with the youth of Congo will have a serious impact on the country’s future. 

Despite the Congolese elections being only a short time away, there are many uncertainties and the socio-political environment remains tense. These elections will have a defining impact on the future of the DRC and Central Africa, and represent an opportunity to overturn many years of neglect and dysfunction. The International Development Secretary, Andrew Mitchell, recently stated, “We will never have a stable Africa, unless there is a stable DRC”. Reflecting this sentiment, DfID is projected to increase its spending in the DRC to £198 million per year from now until 2015. In sending such a high volume of aid, the UK has a responsibility to the UK taxpayer as well as a moral obligation to the Congolese people to ensure this money is used effectively and does not end up in the pockets of corrupt elites. 

Free Fair DRC is a non-partisan organisation who have been working alongside NGOs, Congolese Diaspora and politicians around the world to coordinate attention on the elections in Congo. Accountable and responsive governance is needed in order to overcome the debilitating cycle of poverty and violence and unlock DRC’s potential. This election is a key step toward that goal.   You can help by writing to your MP and MEP and asking them to support free and fair elections in the DRC; finding us on Facebook or Twitter, and by going to www.FreeFairDRC.com and signing our supporters’ pledge.

Twenty Questions – Episode 5

Lizzie Greene
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Twenty Questions – Episode 5

 

 

Adventures with Tintin

Robin Mcghee
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Adventures with Tintin

If Tintin is God, which he is, Michael Farr is some sort of cartoony Jesus. This marvellous man has spent the last three decades researching our beloved. Absolutely everything you could ever want to know is summarised in Tintin: The Complete Companion, which I’ll happily plug the new edition of in the knowledge it’s gonna be good. This is quite interesting because Michael Farr is in fact English, extortionately so. Tintin by contrast is Bruxellois, so originally you had to go somewhere French in order to read him. ‘As a small child I lived in Paris, so it was the first thing I read when I was four. I moved to Britain in the same year it first was published in English.’ I’m one up on him already – I first read it in English aged three.

 Still, Farr does have one edge I’d never have. He’s met The Master: Hergé himself. This began when Farr was a reporter. Tintin, of course, was ‘an inspiration’. ‘And then to cap it all, in 1978 I asked for an interview with Hergé. He was very shy of publicity, but I was able to have lunch with him. He was so shy we had to have it in a corner behind a screen. But my academic interest was already there.’

 That was that. The great thing about Farr though is that he’s never lost any of his boyish enthusiasm for Tintin the adventurer. He acknowledges it as a fabulous passion. But we shouldn’t take it especially seriously. ‘Tintin and Hergé have been elevated onto this great pedestal. Hergé hated all this sort of flannel – all this philosophising and literary stuff. He created Tintin to entertain children. People were riveted by it, but this was produced for fun. But on the other hand, it’s still serious literature and good art. The point is we need to keep it in proportion. Hergé was a very significant artist. From a literary point of view that quality is much greater than you might think because he put a tremendous amount of research into it. The language, if you read it in French, is also excellent.’

 The problem with being a deathcore fan is that there is only so much core you can death over. If I was to read, say, Destination Moon again I would have difficulty deriving a good deal of enjoyment from it. I’ve already read it about fifty or sixty times. There’s no way I can conjure the same magic it gave the first two-dozen times I read it. Farr disputes this. ‘I don’t think it does wear off. It’s terribly rewarding to re-read books. It’s visual, and then you’ve got the story as well. But one is always discovering new slants. People often show me things I haven’t seen before. Look at the backgrounds for example – they are amazing.’

 What’s his favourite book? ‘An impossible question’, but King Ottokar’s Sceptre, Blue Lotus and Castafiore Emerald spring to mind. All nice, perhaps a smidge conservative choices. His least favourite, unbelievably, is ‘Flight 714: Hergé stuck his neck out rather further than he normally did in terms of the story.’ Disgraceful, it was always my favourite. Though he is right about the story I suppose.

 In the wake of the film, directed by Steven Spielberg and produced by Peter Jackson, Farr is rather optimistic about the future of Tintin – Hollywood and beyond. ‘It’s quite exciting, which you’d expect. It’s a great improvement on what’s been done before. Thing is it’s actually been in the works about thirty years. Three months before his death in 1983, Hergé received a note from Spielberg asking to make the films. He never replied, so they’ve had to wait till now to release it.They’ll have had to pad it out a bit. So you will have these new characters. And I wonder what Hergé would have had to say about that. Because’- a knowing pause – ‘he was rather fussy you know’.

Not-so-horrible histories

Ella Sands
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Not-so-horrible histories

You could be forgiven for assuming that historians read the most history books. Certainly, when it comes to cramming the bare minimum needed to write this week’s essay, we history students are experts. But based on a quick survey of my friends, we’re actually less likely than medics or PPE-ists to pick up a history book for pleasure. The reason is simple. Faced with dauntingly long reading lists which can only possibly be tackled by a quick scanning of introductions and conclusions, together with cunning use of Wikipedia and JSTOR reviews, we’ve lost the ability to read a book from beginning to end. We become brilliant at flicking through indexes and blagging our way through tutorials, but if asked what books we have actually finished, or even enjoyed, most of us are stuck. Occasionally we might come across something that catches our interest, but there’s no time to read it – not when two thousand words are due the next morning. 

Occasionally though, one forces its way through the crowd of books demanding to be read, and these are the books I’ve stumbled across in the course of my degree that I’ve come closest to actually reading, books that might help historians remember why they chose their subject in the first place, and which can be enjoyed by anyone – whatever their subject. 

History of Modern Britain – Andrew Marr

Marr’s lovelife has come under scrutiny lately but that’s no reason to think any less of him as a writer. A chatty, clear and concise chronicle of Britain since WWII, covering everything from pop to politics. If you’ve been put off reading completely, try the TV series.

We Ain’t What We Ought to Be –Stephen Tuck

This is almost as gripping as a crime novel. Really. A history of the American civil rights movement that weaves the lives of ordinary people and grassroots campaigning  into the wider political picture, from the 19th century to Obama. 

A Bitter Revolution- Rana Mitter

If you want to expand your knowledge of history beyond the Western world but don’t know where to start, try this beautifully-written account of twentieth century China’s political awakening, which traces the fates and roles of its major players from 1919. 

Queueing for Beginners – Joe Moran

If you’ve forgotten what history has to do with your everyday life, read this little book and learn why we British are famous for our queues, why we eat toast for breakfast and why we drink so much beer. It sounds boring, but trust me: it isn’t.

An Intimate History of Humanity –Theodore Zeldin

This is the sort of history book your tutor might not call a history book: all the more reason to read it. It is a collection of 25 essays, including ‘Why there has been more progress in cooking than in sex’ and ‘How men and women have slowly learned to have interesting conversations’ Intriguing. 

 

Of course, these books may not revive your interest in history, or even your faith in humanity. Either way, at least you’ll have proved that you haven’t lost the ability to read something without being told to by a fusty academic. 

Furniture raid at Christ Church

Anthony Collins
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0
Furniture raid at Christ Church
College authorities at Christ Church are conducting an investigation after various items of furniture were stolen from the JCR during the room’s recent refurbishment.
 
In an email to college members, JCR Vice-President Kevin Tan said, “I am saddened to report that some members of college have stolen some of the brand new furniture that was meant for all of us.
‘I find this absolutely disgusting. The JCR belongs to all of us, and to take from our common space to furnish your own room is repugnant. It is also theft, pure and simple.”
Four new leather beanbags were stolen, along with three rugs. Tan told the JCR that the college was aware of the identity of the culprits. He said, “The porters and college authorities have CCTV evidence of who took the items. If they are not back in their original place by this Sunday, your names will be reported and action will be taken.
‘You know who you are; and if you see anyone with these items in their rooms, I hope you will tell them to return the items too.”
Chris Johnson, a third year student at Christ Church, told Cherwell that the furniture has reappeared in the JCR since Tan’s original email.  He said that he was unaware of any punishment being imposed on any JCR members, saying that as far as he knew, ‘nothing much happened about it.’
When asked his reaction to the incident, Johnson took a lighthearted view on the matter, saying that the theft was “quite poor form, but still quite funny”.
However, not all JCR members adopted such a jocular stance. John Hintze, a first year PPE student at Christ Church, told Cherwell, “I think it’s completely out of order that anyone would steal from our JCR. It’s stealing from the college community.”
When approached by Cherwell this week, Kevin Tan declined to give any further information about the incident, saying, “The matter is still being dealt with by the relevant college authorities, and as such I cannot comment on the story.”

Pembroke joins Living Wage campaign

Olivia Elder
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Pembroke joins Living Wage campaign
Pembroke has become the tenth college to back the Oxford Living Wage campaign after passing a motion in support of the initiative at last week’s JCR meeting. The motion passed with little opposition or debate, with just 2 people voting against. It pledges to send members of the JCR committee to talk with college authorities about increasing scouts’ wages.
Currently, scouts at Pembroke are paid £6.63 an hour, less than the £7.20 deemed necessary for an adequate standard of living.
 
Pembroke’s action follows that of several other colleges: Univ and St. Hilda’s voted in support of the campaign just last week. Balliol was the first to take up the initiative in 2009.
 
Caspar Donnison, who proposed the motion, told Cherwell that he was prompted to raise the motion now because he saw the campaign “lifting off” in Oxford and saw an opportunity to strengthen it. However, he also stressed that this is a cause to which he has been committed for a long time, “I have been a supporter of the Living Wage for a while. I strongly believe in the economic arguments such as higher morale in the workplace and fewer benefits being required if wages are higher. I see the OUSU-led campaign in Oxford University as particularly important as this is a city where the cost of living is very high”.
 
Donnison continued, “I do not claim that the Living Wage campaign is an ideal solution nor that there are not other factors involved but just that it is an improvement upon the current state of affairs. In London thousands of families have been lifted out of poverty because of the success of the campaign so it can really make a difference”.
 
The motion, which was seconded by Emma Kinnaird, News Editor of the Oxford Student, noted that Pembroke is lagging behind other colleges, including Corpus Christi, who already provide the living wage for their scouts.
The JCR resolved “to send a delegation of the JCR committee to meet with the authorities of college to discus reaching this standard of pay for our scouts”. Donnison was, however, quick to point out that there was a “cooperative stance” between the students and the college. It is hoped that this action will convince college to increase wages, though Donnison admitted that the JCR would also be satisfied by “convincing reasons showing that, though we do not yet have the Living Wage, special employment privileges and pension schemes put us in an near equivalent position to the payment of the living wage”. Further action will depend upon the outcome of the meeting.
Pembroke JCR appeared united behind the motion. There had been concern that there may be questions about possible ill-effects, such as rent rises, that increased wages could have on students, but the meeting remained relatively free from debate.
The Oxford Living Wage campaign, established in 2006 and endorsed by four academics, as well as Oxford City Council and Oxford University Labour Club, is currently gaining momentum. OUSU’s Sarah Santosham, Chair of the Living Wage Campaign, appeared positive, telling Cherwell, ‘We are hugely encouraged by the level of support generated across Common Rooms for this important community concern. We will support and encourage other Common Rooms who hope to follow suit. Pressure is mounting on both colleges and the University, and we are confident that there will be real progress on this over the year.’

 

Oxford pioneers vision treatment

Peter Fitzsimons
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Oxford pioneers vision treatment
A pioneering trial led by Oxford University has delivered a potential new treatment for a type of blindness which was previously thought to be incurable. The trial was to cure the genetic disease choroideremia, which affects up to 1,500 people in Britain and 100,000 people worldwide.
 
If the trial is successful, it may have significant consequences for neuroscience and for many other eye diseases as the virus employed could be used in future to create cures for genetic brain disorders.
 
Choroideremia is commonly detected in childhood, and leads to blindness, usually by the late forties. It is caused by a faulty gene REP1, which triggers the death of light-sensing cells in the retina called photoreceptors. The disease only affects males.
 
Jonathan Wyatt, a former barrister from Bristol, is the only patient to have undergone the trial so far. He will not recover his sight, but the procedure should stop his vision deteriorating any further- he would otherwise become totally blind in a few years. If the surgery is effective, the doctors aim to perform the same treatment on his right eye. They also plan to do surgery on twelve other patients.
The treatment was developed by Professor Robert MacLaren at Oxford University, and Professor Miguel Seabra of Imperial College.
Professor Seabra remarked that “the ability to offer a gene replacement treatment for these patients was the final objective of 20 years of intense research in my laboratory. This is a moment of fulfilment for us and a dream come true for all choroideremia patients.’”
Professor MacLaren, who also undertook the surgery, admitted that the outcome was “unpredictable” considering the possibility of removing all the remaining sight in Mr Wyatt’s eye. Mr Wyatt commented, “I assessed the risks and decided they were worth taking, both for me and for all the other people who have the problem.”
Professor MacLaren informed Cherwell “To say I’m very excited would be an understatement. I am also relieved. Relieved because we delivered the treatment without causing any harm, and relieved because we have proved that viral vectors can work.” MacLaren also told us of the pleasure of being able to convert his lab results into a working treatment.
The blindness charity Fight for Sight responded to news of trial that they were “absolutely delighted with the news that a clinical trial for choroideremia is underway.”
One medic, Imogen Welding, a first year at Corpus commended the research saying, “I think it’s really exciting that this kind of advance in technology can help people who otherwise can’t be treated.”
However, Jen Todd, a first year Balliol medic, had some tempering advice commenting, “It is really important, but we shouldn’t get ahead of ourselves. Restoring someone’s sight will be much harder than just stopping the vision deteriorating.”

 

 

Corpus passes gender inclusiveness motion

Tristana Smith
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Corpus passes gender inclusiveness motion

Corpus Christi College JCR passed a motion this week promoting the use of gender inclusive language. The proposals form part of the wider Oxford University Genderless Campaign. The motion states that “Corpus should explicitly ensure that trans-identified people are accommodated by the JCR” and mandates the JCR President “to review all emails forwarded to the JCR mailing list and check for non-inclusive gender language”.

The motion also requires that gender-specific JCR events be open to anyone who identifies as that gender. It advises event organisers not to write phrases like “Girls wear dresses, guys wear suits” but instead to use working like “suits and dresses”.

Cristopher Bautista, a recent visiting student at Corpus who identifies himself as “trans”, praised the JCR for passing the motion. He told Cherwell this week, “The fact that Corpus Christi made the extra effort to pass this motion – that’s a big deal. That’s something a lot of schools don’t bother doing. We hear a lot about making universities more gay-friendly, but not trans-friendly. Corpus passing this motion is a rare example of a college that’s making the extra effort to be trans friendly. And for a lot of trans people, that’s important. We don’t take these safe places for granted. We seek out these spaces.’

Ivan Dimov, Corpus student, also had reservations about the proposals. He said, “I support the motion in spirit, but I had some issues with its initial statement – namely what ‘gender inclusive language’ constituted. The initial phrasing unwittingly came across, to me at least, as advocating some form of censorship.”

Frances Watson, the Trans Rep for LGBTQsoc and organiser of the Oxford Genderless Campaign, said, ‘Basically we’re challenging the binary gender status quo – that there are only two genders, male and female, and you belong to the same one as your genitals, end story. This isn’t true: there are people who strongly identify with the opposite gender to that which they were assigned at birth, and who transition to live their lives as a member of that gender.

“There are also people who do not identify as male or female. Someone might identify as one on one day, the other the next, for example; or they may identify as having aspects of both at the same time; or they may identify as having no gender at all.”

Gail Bartlett, a spokesperson for the Genderless Campaign, claimed that JCRs have an important role to play in making trans-identified people feel included. She said, “There have been instances of people in JCR’s failing to understand why strictly gendered events do exclude people. Most people do not have to worry about where they will fit in at gendered events or using gendered facilities, but for the effort it takes for the JCR to simply amend wording in entz or dress code they can save a great deal of distress and fear of humiliation.’

Ten other Oxford colleges have passed similar motions.

St Hugh’s compromise on formal hall

Eleanor Bley Griffiths
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0
St Hugh’s compromise on formal hall

St Hugh’s JCR voted on Sunday to lift their three-week boycott of formal hall for the rest of Michaelmas, after a compromise was reached with the college. The JCR has been protesting the college’s sudden ban on bringing alcohol to formal hall, which college authorities claim was a reaction to poor behaviour by students.

Earlier in the term the college banned the bringing of alcohol to hall, and upped the price of a formal ticket to £10.40, which included two glasses of college wine or fruit punch — a move which angered drinkers and teetotallers alike. The new system, which the JCR has temporarily accepted “in the spirit of compromise”, brings the cost of a ticket back down to £7.25 for a non-wine ticket and to £8.75 for a wine ticket.

The reduction in price has been brokered by the JCR, which will be sourcing cheaper wine to be served at hall, working out at just 75p a glass. Unlike the current system, unlimited additional glasses will be available for diners to purchase at the staff’s discretion.

The changes address many students’ concerns about value for money. One commented, “the agreement that the JCR can buy in its own wine is particularly good to see because that should stop formal becoming exorbitant.”

While the boycott has been lifted and many JCR members will be heading back to hall when the new policy comes fully into force next week, the motion (passed by approximately 40 to 5) has an amendment, meaning that this could only be a temporary reprieve: unless a JCR meeting at the beginning of Hilary term permanently ends the boycott, it will kick back in.

Victor Greenstreet, the St Hugh’s JCR President, told us, “I do not think the compromise system is perfect by any means – in fact the motion makes it explicitly clear that I, as the President, will continue to push for a return to the bring-your-own system we had last year.” The JCR plans to make a submission to a scheduled review at the end of Michaelmas, and as Greenstreet explained, “the main reason for the amendment was to show the college that the JCR is prepared to return to the boycott if our views are not taken seriously.”

Popular opinion at St Hugh’s seems to be that the compromise is better than nothing. St Hugh’s student Joseph Williams said, “I fully support lifting the boycott… While a return to the old system is still our ultimate aim, the new rules are far more favourable.”

It is hoped by many that a display of good behaviour will work in students’ favour. Williams welcomed the opportunity for students to show the college that they “don’t need to be treated like children,” and was hopeful that the end of term review will bring a favourable result.

One St Hugh’s third year told Cherwell, “Although the ideal solution would be a return to bringing our own wine to formal, I think this is a good compromise and a chance for us to show college we can behave responsibly and with respect for college staff.”

Another remarked, “If the college don’t agree to a return to the old system in Hilary I’ll be disappointed, not least because I like rosé with some meals, and I’m not sure the JCR’s getting that in.”

Clemmie Shott, a second year physiologist, argued that progress had been made, saying, “I think that it’s a good thing that they’ve listened and have reacted to the boycott.” She nonetheless stressed her opposition to the ban, saying, “It’s unfair to punish the whole college — if there is bad behaviour, they should just ban the culprits. The whole charm about St Hugh’s is that it’s unpretentious and for them to start acting like this about formal hall goes against the spirit of the college.”

The college declined to comment on the issue, with the Dean, Peter Mitchell, saying, “I have nothing to say to Cherwell on this or any other matter regarding St Hugh’s, now or at any time in the future.”

LMH Dean warns against ‘harassment’ of female students

Dominic Parikh
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0
LMH Dean warns against ‘harassment’ of female students
The Dean at Lady Margaret Hall, Professor Christopher Shields, has issued a firm warning to undergraduates at the College about behaviour towards other students. In an email to the whole JCR, the Dean detailed two separate incidents of apparently inappropriate conduct towards female junior members, advising, “abuses which are deemed to constitute bullying or harassment will be dealt with extremely seriously.”

The first episode referred to an incident which took place after a bop earlier this term. In his email, the Dean stated, “apparently some female members of the JCR were virtually kidnapped one night a few weeks ago and essentially forced to go to a club in town when dressed in their nightclothes.”

There are allegations, however, that the seriousness of the incident may have been overstated. One LMH student took particular issue with the use of the phrase “virtually kidnapped”, saying, “It’s absurd to imply that somebody has been taken without their consent when nothing of the sort happened – it was just the usual banter.”

Abhishek Oswal, a first year medic at LMH, agreed, saying, “The situation has been blown out of proportion a bit, and nothing of note really happened. Obviously I don’t want people being kidnapped, but I think it was meant as a joke and should be taken as one.”

The second cause for concern raised by the Dean was the apparent compilation of lists by some students “of female members whom they found attractive”, and the placing of these lists “in the public domain.” JCR members were warned, “this is not acceptable, and could be viewed as harassment.”

Some students at the College disagreed with the Shields’ assessment. One male undergraduate told Cherwell, “It was just a bit of fun. They’re making more out of it than they need to.”

Rhiannon Sheridan, a second year Economics & Management student, was more balanced, commenting, “I understand that kind of thing causes offence, but we all talk about stuff like that. They should have been more discreet though and writing it down seems to make it worse.”

In response to allegations that these incidents were blown out of proportion, Shields told Cherwell, ‘I was just reporting what had been told to me. What the student body should be concerned about isn’t the precise wording of the email but the point that what happened put members of College in danger.’

At the end of his message to the college, Shields alluded to alcohol consumption as a reason that the College was falling short of “the general principle that consideration for others is always paramount”, telling students, “it is absolutely vital that members wake up to the fact that this culture of voluminous consumption is very damaging to the College.”

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